Bashiic as a Macrogroup of Philippine Languages
	R. David Zorc & Maria Kristina S. Gallego
The Bashiic/Batanic subgroup is comprised of a small number of lects spoken on the islands bordering the Philippines and Taiwan (Figure 1).
•	Yami or Tao, spoken on Orchid Island (Lanyu) in Taiwan. The language is comprised of several dialects, such as Imorod and Iraralay;
•	Itbayaten, spoken on Itbayat Island, Batanes, Philippines;
•	Ivatan, spoken on Batan and Sabtang Islands, Batanes, Philippines. The language is comprised of two distinct dialects, Ivasay and Isamorong; and
•	Ibatan or Babuyan, spoken on Babuyan Claro, Cagayan, Philippines.
Figure 1: The Bashiic/Batanic lects

Philippine scholars have been blessed with quite a few excellent comparative studies on the Bashiic/Batanic languages. Chronologically, they are: Scheerer (1908), Dempwolff (1926), Moriguchi (1983), Tsuchida, Yamada & Moriguchi(1987), Tsuchida, Constantino, Yamada and Moriguchi (1989), Li (2000), Yang (2002), Ross (2005), Gallego (2014), Blench (2015), and Pick (2018).
Several labels have been given to this subgroup: Dyen (p.c. 1974) apparently coined the term “Bashiic” based on the Bashi Channel in order not to give preference to any individual language names, which Reid (p.c.), Blust (1991), and Blench (2015) also adopted. Moriguchi (1983) used “Vasayic” for the entire group. Virtually all other authors (Gallego, Li, Moriguchi, Pick, Ross, Tsuchida, and Yang) used the term “Batanic”. This survey will demonstrate that all of these labels (plus one more - “Yamic”) will provide useful identifiers for this macrogroup and its various branches. One of the clearest illustrations of their internal subgrouping is the question word ‘what?’ (Table 1). Quite a few others will be treated herein as either triads or diads.
Table 1: DIAD Example: Words for 'what?' in the Bashiic languages
‘what?’	
Yamic	Imorod, Iraralay	ikuŋu	
Itbayaten		akuh	
Batanic	Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan	aŋu	

Much of the methodology within this present study is drawn upon the three methods employed by Zorc (1977) for Bisayan, i.e., subgrouping on the basis of [1] lexical and [2] functor comparisons as well as [3] macrogroup-specific innovations, including those within the respective microgroups. Much has been learned over the past five decades, and will therefore enhance this present overview. Detailed analysis of each method and what can be gained from each will be provided so that the reader or student is apprised of the values obtained from and subsequently contrasted with other methodologies.
1. AN OVERVIEW OF BASHIIC PHONOLOGY
STOPS
VOICELESS	p	t	[c]	k	ʔ	
VOICED	b	d	[j]	g	
NASALS	m	n	[ñ] <ny>	ŋ <ng>	
FRICATIVES
VOICELESS	[f]	s	tʃ		h	
VOICED	v	z	dʒ	ɣ <x>	
CONTINUANTS	w	r	y	l	

VOWELS	FRONT	CENTRAL	BACK	
HIGH	i		u <o>	
MID		ɨ <e>		
LOW		a		

The above chart shows the 25 consonants and 4 vowels that occur among Bashiic lects. Marginal phonemes are put in [brackets], and orthographic representations in <chevrons>. While all have an /h/, it is only in Itbayaten that this phoneme descends from PPH, PMP *h, PAN *S or *h. In all other lects, /h/ < PMP *l or specifically PBsh *ɣ. While /f/ is found in some, it is mostly in loanwords which usually have alternates with /p/. Only Itbayaten has orthographic <x> = IPA /ɣ/. Babuyan has /b/ which is more often than not realized as /v/ in the others, which is an intervocalic allophone of /b/, but can occur in initial position as well. All lects have four vowels including schwa [ɨ], although in Yami it may assimilate to another vowel in the same word. Lastly, /c/, /j/, /ñ/ are generally palatalized allophones of /k/ or less often /t/, /d/, and /ŋ/ respectively before or after /i/.
Imorod and Iraralay Yami  have 18 consonants and 4 vowels. Neither has ʔ, g, ñ, f, x in the above chart. In these lects /r/ < *d, /z/ < *r, and /h/ < *ɣ; /c/ < *k /i, and /j/ < *d /i. Glottal stop [ʔ] is phonotactic, not phonemic; it occurs word finally after a vowel before pause. Stress usually falls on the final syllable (oxytone).
Itbayaten has 22 consonants and 4 vowels; that is all of the consonants in the above chart except /z/. The /h/ < *h, r < *d or *r; / ñ / < ŋ /i, /c/ < *k /i, /j/ < *d /i; x = [ɣ]. Glottal stop is phonemic only in clusters (contrasting with its absence), otherwise it occurs word finally after a vowel before pause. Stress usually falls on the final syllable (oxytone). It has some instances of contrastive penult vowel length: ni:ni ‘name of a personified doll’, nini ‘sap of tree’; to:kod ‘yam sp.’ vs. tokod ‘support’ [TYM 1987:13].
Ivasay and Isamorong Ivatan have 21 consonants and 4 vowels; that is all of the consonants in the above chart except /x/ and /z/. Although /h/ < *ɣ, it is also automatically inserted before vowel-initial suffixes when the root also ends in a vowel. The velars “/k/, /g/ and /ŋ/ transform into their corresponding palatals, c, j, and ñ when contiguous to /i/ or /y/.” [TYM 1987:14] Vowel length has a low functional load as in mata ‘eye’ : ma:ta ‘sea’ in Isamorong [TYM 1987:15], but stress usually falls on the final syllable (oxytone).
Babuyan (Ibatan) has 18 consonants and 4 vowels. It does not have ʔ, f, x, v, z. Vowel length has a low functional load as in mata ‘eye’ : ma:ta ‘raw’ [TYM 1987:16] or ba:ro ‘feather palm’ : baro ‘young man [Gallego 2014:58 from Maree 2007:20]. Of all the Bashiic lects, it has been under the greatest influence from Ilokano, since most of its speakers are bilingual. In terms of accent, Babuyan is the most conservative in reflecting penult vowel length on more inherited etyma. Nevertheless, as with the other lects, stress usually falls on the final syllable.
2. LEXICAL CLASSIFICATION – The Swadesh 100
The database we have consists of 1,530 etyma for the entire Bashiic family which clearly show a descendancy from PAN (185 = 12%), PMP (84 = 5%), and PWMP (43 = 2.8%). What is most striking is the replacement throughout this group of otherwise well-established etyma (947 = 61.8%) which can be assigned to Proto-Bashiic or one of its microgroups. The only other Philippine languages that show nearly as many innovations within their lexicon are Bugkalot (Ilongot) and Bagobo Klata. Obviously, all languages do have innovations, but they are usually in the dozens, not hundreds.
Herein, we have employed two methods that broadly reflect lexical cognation: the classic Swadesh 100-word list (which happens to include 7 functors) and a newly developed 100-word list based on 60 of the more highly-retained etymologies throughout the Philippines as opposed to the 40 items that tend to elicit the greatest diversity of responses. These decisions were made based upon a thorough analysis of the etyma in the ACD having the greatest number of printable pages dedicated to a single etymology which stands in stark contrast with the number of entries for individual items in Reid (1971) and/or McFarland (1977). While some meanings consistently elicit one or two isoglosses (*batúh ‘stone’, *búlan ‘moon’, *hapúy ‘fire’, *ʔinúm ‘drink’, *kútuh ‘louse’, *matá ‘eye’, *púluq ‘ten’, *púsəj ‘navel’, *qúbih ‘purple yam’), others such as ‘earlier’ = a while ago, ‘good’, ‘lie’ = deceive, ‘small’, ‘ugly’, ‘where?’, ’why?’ can result in over 20 isoglosses in a broad survey such as Reid (1971) or McFarland (1977).
TABLE 1. BASHIIC SCORES FOR THE SWADESH 100
	Imr	Ira	Itb	Ivs	Ism	Bab
Imorod	X	94	82	75	79	76
Iraralay	94	X	80	74	79	77
Itbayaten	83	81	X	85	83	83
Ivasay	75	74	86	X	93	89
Isamorong	81	79	84	91	X	91
Babuyan	79	78	84	90	91	X
For all that has been said against lexicostatistics, the results of the Swadesh list are reasonably instructive and revealing with regard to Bashiic. Note that Itbayaten here appears to be equidistant from both Yamic and Batanic lects. Of the 100 items obtained for these lects, the following microcosm of a subgrouping theory is readily obtained.
2.1.  Thirty-nine derive from PAN, establishing beyond any doubt that Bashiic is clearly an Austronesian subgroup.
PAN#1 *baqəRuh ‘new’ > PBsh *baʔyu > Itbayaten vaʔyo, Imorod, Iraralay, Ivasay, Isamorong vayo, Babuyan bayo. [TYM#746]
PAN#2 *baRah 'ember' DIAD > PBsh *ma-bayah ‘red’ (semantic innovation) > Itbayaten mavayah, Imorod mi|vala, Ivasay, Isamorong ma|vaya, Babuyan ma|baya. | Yamic *baraŋbaŋ > Imorod, Iraralay bazaŋbaŋ reflect a separate innovation in this color term. [TYM#725] | Note: Bashiic has made a morphological innovation to the Austronesian root with PBsh *hinmaya ‘embers, live charcoal’ > Itbayaten hinmaya, Imorod, Iraralay inmala, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan inmaya (where the final -h has been lost) and an archaic prefix *hiŋ- appears to have operated. [TYM#201]
PAN#3 *batux ‘stone’ > PBsh *batu > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong vato, Babuyan bato (with loss of final *-h in Itbayaten). [TYM#538]
PAN#4 *bituqən ‘star’ DIAD > PVas *bituØən > Itbayaten vitoən, Ivasay, Isamorong vitohən, Babuyan bitohən. Note: Itbayaten reflects intervocalic *Ø, while the Batanic lects show insertion of [h] before an assumed suffix. Yamic has its own innovation: Imorod mata no aŋit, Iraralay mata no hañit < *mata ‘eye’ + *nu ‘of’ + * ɣaŋit ‘eye of sky’. [TYM#496]
PAN#5 *bukəS ‘hair (of head)’ > PBsh *buhuk (metathesis of *k and *S > *h and assimilation of *ə to *u) > Imorod ovok, Iraralay avok, Itbayaten vohok, Ivasay vook, Isamorong vo:ok. Note: Yamic has treated the resulting etymology after loss of *h as a monosyllable (*buk) and added a prothetic vowel. Babuyan has a semantic change with: bo:boh < PPH *bulbul ‘body hair’. [TYM#004]
PAN#6 *bulaN ‘moon’ > PBsh *buɣán > Itbayaten voxan, Imorod, Iraralay vəhan (vowel weakening of *u > ə), Ivasay, Isamorong vohan, Babuyan bohan. [TYM#495]
PAN#7 *Caliŋa ‘ear’ > PBsh *taliŋa ‘ear’ > Imorod, Iraralay taliŋa, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong taliña, Babuyan tajiña. Note Vasayic reflects palatalization of *ŋ > ñ next to *i, whereas Babuyan also involves a shift from*l > [d] and thence palatalization to [j] next to *i. [TYM#022]
PAN#8 *Cau ‘person’ > PBsh *tawu > Imorod, Iraralay, Isamorong, Babuyan tao, Itbayaten, Ivasay tawo. Philippine languages tend to insert a semivowel (or glottal stop) between two consecutive vowels, so there is no appreciable difference between [au] and [awu]. [TYM#262]
PAN#9 *daNum ‘water’ > PBsh *danum > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Isamorong, Babuyan ranom, Ivasay danom. [TYM#154] | Note. Bashiic almost universally reflects PAN *d as [r], but here Ivasay has preserved the initial [d].
PAN#10 *daRaq ‘blood’ > PBsh *daya > Imorod, Iraralay rala, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan raya. [TYM#108] | Note. The sequence *aya is realized as [ala] in Yamic in this and quite a few other cognates, such as: PBsh *hayam ‘walk’, *bayah ‘red < embers’, *sayap ‘fly’.
PAN#11 *dəŋəR ‘hear’ [v] > PBsh *adŋəy [prothesis] > Imorod, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong m|adŋəy, Babuyan adŋəy. Note. Yamic supports a doublet: PYam *amirəŋ. [TYM#116]
PAN#12 *duSa ‘two’, *da-duSa ‘two’ (people) > Itbayaten doha, Imorod, Iraralay, Babuyan dowa, Ivasay, Isamorong dadwa. [TYM#804]
PAN#13 *kan root ~ *kaʔən ‘eat’ [v] > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan kan ~ kuman. [TYM#169]] | Note: either the retention of a PAN root (*kan) or the result of loss of both glottal stop and schwa.
PAN#14 *kaSiw ‘tree’ {generic}> PBsh *kayuh > Itbayaten kayoh, Imorod, Iraralay, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan kayo. [TYM#552]
PAN #15*kita[ʔ] ‘see’ [v] > PBsh kita > Imorod macita ‘see’, Isamorong cita ‘look for’, Imorod, Iraralay, citahən ‘look at’ with *-ʔ > Ø, and thence filled with -h-. It is unclear if Itbayaten m|atta is directly cognate via assimilation of the penult vowel. [TYM#111, also #112] | see PVas *tiib (below)
PAN#16 *kuCux ‘louse’ > PBsh *kutu (with unexplained loss of *-h in Itb)>  Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Isamorong, Babuyan koto. [TYM#637]
PAN#17 *kuliC 'rind' > PBsh *kulit ‘skin’ > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten kolit, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan kodit. [TYM#100]
PAN#18 *maCa ‘eye’ > PBsh *mata > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan mata. [TYM#009]
PAN#19 *maRi ‘come’ > PBsh *mayi > Imorod, Itbayaten mayi, Iraralay, Isamorong, Babuyan may. [TYM#298] | As noted for PAN#8 *Cau ‘person’ above, there is no appreciable difference between [ayi] and [ay].
PAN#20 *ŋajan ‘name’> PBsh *ŋadan > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan ŋaran. [TYM#281]
PAN#21 *ŋipən ‘tooth’ > PBsh *ŋipən > Imorod, Iraralay ŋəpən (assimilation of penult *i to schwa), Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan ñipən (palatalization of *ŋ / *i. [TYM#031]
PAN#22 *pəNuq ‘full’ > PBsh *m|apnu (with stative verb prefix *m- and prothesis) > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan apno ~ mapno. [TYM#778]
PAN#23 *qabu[h] ‘ashes’ > PBsh *abu (with unexplained loss of *-h in Itb) > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong abo | Note: Babuyan has a unique ahobəh. [TYM#199]
PAN#24 *qaCay ‘liver’ > PBsh *atay > Imorod, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong atay, Iraralay, Babuyan atayi. [The appearance of a trisyllabic in Iraralay and Babuyan (if correct) demonstrates the instability of semivowels, which can assume true syllabicity. [TYM#075]
PAN#25 *qajaw ‘sun’ > PBsh *adaw > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan araw. | Note. Bashiic does not reflect the cluster otherwise found in PPH *qaljaw. [TYM#494]
PAN#26 *qaqay ‘foot’ TRIAD > PBsh *ayi > Imorod, Irarala, Itbayaten, Babuyan ayi. [TYM#095] | Note that Ivatan (Ivasay and Isamorong) have innovated padaŋ < Proto-Batanic *palaŋ | Ivasay kokod is cognate with PMP *kukud < PAN *kudkud ‘hoof’ [ACD, ZDS]
PAN#27 *qənay ‘sand’ > PBsh *aʔnay (with prothesis) > Itbayaten aʔnay, Imorod, Iraralay, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan anay. [TYM#539]
PAN#28 *qiCəluR ‘egg’ > PBsh *itiyuy > Imorod icyoy, Iraralay icoy, Itbayaten ittiiyoy, Ivasay ottioy, Isamorong, Babuyan occoy [TYM#148] | Note. Yamic, Isamorong, and Babuyan show palatalization of *t > c between i…i, whereas Batanic additionally shows assimilation of antepenult *i to ultima *u. 
PAN#29 *quluh ‘head’ > PBSh *uɣu (with unexplained loss of *-h in Itb) > Itbayaten oxo, Imorod, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan oho, Iraralay wowo (with *l > Ø > semivowel, treating the word as if it were a monosyllabic root *ɣu and then reduplicated). [TYM#001]
PAN#30 *Sadu ‘many’ > PBsh *adu (with unexplained loss of *h- in Itb) > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Isamorong, Babuyan aro, Ivasay aaro. [TYM#817]
PAN#31 *Sapuy ‘fire’ > PBsh *hapuy > Itbayaten hapoy, Imorod, Iraralay, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan apoy. [TYM#195]
PAN#32 *Səsi ‘flesh, meat’ > PBsh *aʔsi ‘meat; fruit’ > Itbayaten aʔsi, Imorod, Iraralay asisi (with -CV reduplication), Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan asi. [TYM#140] [Note ‘fruit’ is additionally modified by *nu + *kayuh = ‘meat of tree’ in Yamic and Babuyan. TYM#141]
PAN#33 *Simu > PMP *imu > PBsh *ímu ‘thou’ [pro-2-sg-nom] > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan imo. [TYM RCM, pp 19-20]
PAN#34 *susu ‘female breast; udder’ > PBsh *susu ‘breast’ > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan soso. [TYM#066]
PAN#35 *timuR 'south ~ east wind' > PBsh *timuy ‘rain’ > Itbayaten, Ivasay timoy, Imorod, Iraralay, Isamorong, Babuyan cimoy (with palatalization of *t) [TYM#484] | Although the form is retained from PAN, this is a significant semantic innovation replacing PAN *quzaN ‘rain’ [ACD, ZDS] cognates of which, although widespread elsewhere in the Philippines, has no known remnant in the Bashiic group.
PAN#36 *tuduS ‘knee’ > PMP *tuhud (*S metathesis) > PBsh *tuhud > Itbayaten tohod, Ivasay tood, Isamorong, Babuyan to:od, Imorod otod, Iraralay attod | Note. Yamic lects treat the resulting morph as a monosyllabic root and add prothesis winding up with differing results. [TYM#094]
PAN#37 *uRəŋ ~ uruŋ ‘horn of an animal’ > PBsh *uruŋ > Itbayaten oroŋ, Imorod, Iraralay ozoŋ, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan oloŋ. | [TYM#686; Pick n.d.] | Note: Formosan evidence in the ACD (Seediq uruŋ, Pazeh uxuŋ) provides no evidence for schwa and may indicate that the Bashiic is under influence from a Formosan language. It is only Kenyah (Long Anap uəŋ) that supports schwa in the final syllable, since Berawan (Long Terawan) also has uguŋ. 
PAN#38 *yakən ‘I’ [pro-1-sg-nom] > PBsh *yakən [ZDS] > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan yakən. [TYM RCM] | See: Thao y|akin, Proto-Bunun *ð|akun in ACD.
PAN#39 *zalan ‘path (made by a human as opposed to an animal)’ > PBSh *CV-daɣan > Itbayaten raxan ~ raraxan, Imorod, Iraralay, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan rarahan. [TYM#321] The Bashiic group as a whole has innovated the CV- prefix.
2.2.  Twenty-eight appear to be solid innovations establishing the Bashiic macrogroup as a whole.
PBsh#01 DIAD *abkuɣ ‘dry (not wet)’ > Itbayaten m|abkox, Iraralay m|abkaw, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan m|abkoh. [TYM#462] | With a competing doublet: 
PBsh#02 DIAD *akdit ‘dry’ > Imorod, Iraralay, Isamorong m|akjit. [TYM#462] | Replacing: PAN *kəRaŋ, PMP *Raŋu, *maja, PWMP *kaRiŋ, *kəRiŋ, *Raŋkay 'dry' [ACD]
PBsh#03 *amuŋ ‘fish’ > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan amoŋ [TYM#581] | Replacing PAN*Sikan, PMP *hikan [ACD] | Note PNP *amuŋ ‘gather, take in’ [ZDS] > Ifugao ʔámuŋ ‘gather’, Ilokano ʔammóŋ ‘collect, assemble’. | Note also PWMP *əmuŋ ‘gather, collect together’ [ACD] | Replaces PAN *Sikan, PNP *sidaʔ [Cf: PSP *isədaʔ] ‘fish; viand = main course’
PBsh#04 *aʔɣəp ‘night’ > Itbayaten aʔxəp, Imorod, Iraralay, Babuyan m|ahəp, Ivasay m|aʔhəp [TYM#792] | Replacing PAN *Rabiʔih, PMP *bəRŋi, PWMP *maləm
PBsh#05 *aʔɣub ‘smoke’ > Itbayaten aʔxob, Imorod aob, Iraralay awob, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan ahob [TYM#196] | Replacing PAN *qəbəl, *qasəb, PMP *qasuh, PWMP *qasəp.
PBsh#06 *aʔsa ‘one’ (with prothesis) > Itbayaten aʔsa, Imorod, Iraralay, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan asa [TYM#803] | Replacing PAN *isa ~ *əsa, although probably from *a-ʔəsa (with prothesis and syncope).
PBsh#07 *awat ‘swim’ [v] > Imorod, Iraralay awawat [with CV-], Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Ibatan awat [TYM#697 | Less possibly PBsh *yawat, but the initial *y- appears to be part of the prefix and not the root | Replacing PAN *Nanguy, PMP *naŋuy, PWMP *languy, *daŋuy, *taŋuy [ACD]
PBsh#08 *bulək ‘belly’ > Itbayaten volək, Ivasay vodək, Ibatan bodək; Imorod, Iraralay vələk, Isamorong vədək (assimilation of *u > *ə) [TYM#071] | Replacing PAN *tiaN [ACD], PPH *tiyán [ZDS].
PBsh#09 *dukməɣ ‘cold’ > Itbayaten rokməx, Isamorong, Ibatan rokməh; Imorod, Iraralay rəkməh (assimilation of penult *u to *ə). [TYM#512] | Replacing PAN *ramig, PMP *diŋin, *diŋdiŋ.
PBsh#10 *ɣabuh ‘fat, grease’ > Itbayaten xavoh, Imorod avo, Ivasay, Isamorong havo [TYM#153] | Introduction of a doublet to otherwise well-retained PWMP *tabəq, PPH *tabáq.
PBsh#11 *gadaw ‘green; blue’ > Imorod, Iraralay mo|garaw ‘blue; green’, Babuyan ma|garaw ‘green’ [TYM#727] | With a competing doublet 
PBsh#12 *hadəm ‘green’ > Itbayaten ma|harəm, Imorod ma|rəhəm, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan ma|arəm [TYM#727] | No PAN or PMP etymon is available for comparison. The ACD has PPH *luh(ə)naw, which is at best probably PSP *luhnaw. The only alternate etymology may be a proposed Proto-Sama-Bajaw †gaduŋ. Thus far these two etymologies are unique to Bashiic. The majority of Philippine languages have borrowed Spanish verde.
PBsh#13 *hanŋət ‘hot’ > Itbayaten hinanŋət (with *<in> infix), Imorod, Iraralay, Isamorong m|anŋət, Ivasay, Babuyan may|nanŋət [TYM#509] | Replacing PAN *lasu[qʔ] ‘hot; blistered by heat’, PMP *panas ‘warm, hot’, PWMP *qinit ‘heat, warmth’ [ACD]
PBsh#14 *hayam ‘walk’ > Itbayaten h<om>ayam, Imorod, Iraralay <om>alam (with *aya > [ala], Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan <om>ayam [TYM#309] | Replacing PAN *paNaw ‘go, walk away, depart’, PAN *lakat ‘walk, take a step’, PAN *rakat ‘walk’, PAN-F *um-uSa ‘to, walk’, PMP *lakaj ‘stride, take a step’, PMP *lakaw ‘be in motion; go, walk’, PWMP *macaw ‘walk, go’, PPH *tala[ʔq] ‘go for a walk’ [ACD]
PBsh#15 *hikəɣ + *maka-‘sleep’ > Itbayaten maka|hicəx, Ivasah makaicəh, Isamorong, Babuyan məkaicih (assimilation); Imorod, Iraralay m|itkəh tuduR (dissimilation) [TYM#205] | Replacing PAN *qinəp, PMP *tuduR ~ *tiduR, PPH *hələk [ACD]
PBsh#16 *hilak ‘white’ > Itbayaten ma|hilak, Imorod, Iraralay mə|ylak, Ivasay ma|ydak, Isamorong may|idak, Babuyan ma|idak [TYM#729] | Replacing PAN-F *puNi ‘whiteness’, PMP *putiq ‘white’, PSP/PPH *quRis ‘white (albino)’
PBsh#17 *ləkəy + *ha- [prefix of measure] ‘small’ > Itbayaten aləkəy (unexplained loss of *h-), Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan də:kəy, Imorod, Iraralay alikəy (assimilation of ə to i) [TYM#714] | Replacing PMP *dikiq, *dikit, *itək, PWMP *isut, PPH *intək.
PBsh#18*məməl ‘round’ > Imorod, Iraralay m|al|məməh, Ivasay ma|mədə|məde , Isamorong məhməh, (mono), Babuyan may|meməh; Itbayaten ma|mələ|mələh* (reshaping) [TYM#700] | Replacing PMP *buntəR ~ *buntər [ACD].
PBsh#19 *muhdan ‘nose’ > Imorod, Iraralay, Isamorong, Babuyan mo|modan [CV-], Itbayaten mohdan; Ivasay may|mo|mohəd [TYM#020] | We follow Yang’s (2002) etymology here, bearing in mind that Ivasay may justify a form without syncope, i.e., PBsh *muhəd|an | Replacing PAN *ujuŋ , PMP *qijuŋ
PBsh#20 *panmu ‘know’ > Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan panmo, Iraralay pəymo [dissimilation] [TYM#466] | with the following doublet:
PBsh#21 *patak ‘know’ > Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan patak [TYM#466] | Replacing PAN *bajaq ‘know, understand’, PAN Caqu ‘know how’, PWMP *ila ‘know, foresee, see abstract things’ [ACD].
PBsh#22 *ragaw ‘neck’ > Itbayaten ragaw, Imorod, Iraralay zagaw, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan lagaw [TYM#051] | Replacing PAN *liqəR
PBsh#23 *riØak ‘say’ > Babuyan om|liyak, Isamorong may|li|liyak, Iraralay zəziak , Ivasay may|li|lyak [TYM#336] | with the following doublet:
PBsh#24 *amkih ‘say’ Itbayaten m|amcih, Imorod i|p|anci (dissimilation) [TYM#336] | Replacing PAN *kaRi ‘speech, language, word’, PWMP *kuan ‘speak, talk, say’, PPH *suysuy ‘speak, say s.t., tell’ [ACD].
PBsh#25 *sayap ‘fly’ + *<um> [v] > Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan sayap ~ somayap , Imorod, Iraralay salap ~ somalap [TYM#696] | Replacing PAN *layap, PMP Rəbək, PWMP *layaŋ , PPH *ləpád [ACD]| Cf: WLz-axis *tayab ‘fly’ [ZDS]
PBsh#26 *tawur ‘heart’ > Itbayaten tawor, Imorod, Iraralay tawoz, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan tawol [TYM#070] | Replacing PMP *pusuq ~ *pusuŋ [ACD]
PBsh#27 *taʔnək ‘stand’ > Itbayaten mi|taʔnək, Imorod, Iraralay tanək + <om>, Isamorong, Babuyan tənək (assimilation of *a to *ə), Ivasay may|te|tnək [+CV] [TYM#210] | Replacing PAN *diRi ‘stand’, PMP *tuquD, PMP *ti(n)zəg, PWMP *ti(n)zəg, ROOT  *-dəR, *-zəg.
PBsh#28 *tukun ‘mountain’ > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan tokon [TYM#513] | Replacing PAN *bukij, *buləd, PMP *bulud, *qilih ‘mountain’ [ACD]
The final three *udi [deic-1], *uya ~ *iya [deic-2], and *yatən [pro-1&2] are functors and will be discussed in that section.
2.3.  Seven derive from PMP. While this is not a large number, these items do represent core vocabulary.
PMP#1 *dilaq ‘tongue’ > PBsh *dila > Itbayaten rila, Imorod, Iraralay lila (assimilation), Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan rida [TYM#030]
PMP#2 *inum ‘drink’ [v] > PBsh *inum > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan inom [TYM#171]
PMP#3 *kukuh ‘fingernail’ > PBsh *kukuh > Itbayaten kokoh, Imorod, Iraralay, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan koko [TYM#064]. [< PAN *kuSkuS ‘claw, talon, fingernail’ ACD]
PMP#4 *ha-nadu ‘long’ > PBsh *anadu (with unexplained loss of *-h in Itb) > Itbayaten, Imorod a|naro, Ivasay maa|naro, Iraralay, Isamorong, Babuyan ma|naro  [TYM#719] | Note. Besides the *ma- [adjective prefix], there is a special prefix for [adjectives of measure], PMP *ha-, cognates of which are found in Naga and Virac Bikol, Cebuano, Masbate, Waray, and Kamayo (among *h-preserving languages). This prefix has lost its *h in Bashiic and in Hanunoo (and, of course, all *h-losing languages). The word reconstructed in the ACD (*anadu) probably has the root *nadu as directly evidenced by several of the cognates.
PMP#5 *piya ‘good’ > Imorod ya pia, Itbayaten, Iraralay, Ivasay, Babuyan ma|piya, Isamorong piya [TYM#738]
PMP#6 *Ramut ‘root’ > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan yamot. [TYM#563]
PMP#7 *tanəq ‘earth, land’ > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan tana [TYM#540].
2.4. Seven appear as “triads”, generally supporting 3 subgroups: Yamic, Itbayaten (either independently or as a member of the Vasayic subgroup), and Batanic.
TRIAD#1 ‘bird’ {generic} [TYM#574]
PYam *miyasasayap > Imorod miasasalap, Iraralay miyasasalap lit. ‘the flying one’
PYam *lapiyək ‘bird’ > Iraralay, Iratay lapiyək, Ivalino lappi:k [Gallego (2014:179) #26]. Gallego has clearly uncovered a Yamic doublet.
PBat *manumanuk >  Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan manomanok | Note: Evidence for PMP *manumanuk ‘bird’ under PMP *manuk in the ACD.
Itbayaten kaŋkaŋ [unique] as a {generic} | Cf: PWMP *kaŋkaŋ ‘kind of raptorial bird, eagle or hawk’ [ACD] > Ibatan kaŋkaŋ ‘eagle’, Sasak kaŋkaŋ ‘kind of sparrow-hawk’
TRIAD#2 ‘dog’  [TYM#651]
PYam *agsa > Imorod, Iraralay agsa | Cf: PWMP *uRsa ‘deer’
Itbayaten tito < YGrp *tituʔ | Alangan títuʔ, Tadyawan, Iraya titúʔ
PBsh *kitu > Imorod citow, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan cito. | Cf: Ibanag kítu
TRIAD#3 ‘kill’ [v] [TYM#243}
PYam *rakat > Imorod, Iraralay zakat
PBat *liman > Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan diman
Itbayaten lipət(an) [unique]
TRIAD#4 ‘not so’ [neg] [TYM#828]
PYam *bəkən > < PWMP *bəkən ‘negator of nominals; other, different’ [ACD]
PBat *aba > Ivasay, Isamorong ava, Babuyan aba
Itbayaten ah ~ alih [unique]
TRIAD#5 ‘sit’ [v] [TYM#203]
PYam *tudatud > Imorod, Iraralay toratod
PBat *lisna > Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan disna
Itbayaten atnək ~ matnək [unique]
TRIAD#6 ‘what?’ [qw] [TYM RCM§4]
PYam *ikuŋu > Imorod, Iraralay ikoŋo
PBat *aŋu > Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan aŋo
Itbayaten *akuh > akoh [unique]
TRIAD#7 ‘yellow’ [TYM#728]
PBsh *haday > Itbayaten haray ~ homaray, Imorod aray (omaray)
PVas *yuɣama > Itbayaten ma-yoxama, Ivasay man-yohama
PBat *ma-sulaw > Ivasay masohaw a manyohama, Isamorong, Babuyan masohaw
2.5. Six appear to be PPH.
PPH #01 *baləŋ + *ma-' ‘black’ > Imorod, Itbayaten ma|vaəŋ, Itbayaten {dial|} ma|vawəŋ, Iraralay, Ivasay, Isamorong ma|vahəŋ , Babuyan ma|bhəŋ | Ilongot ~ Bugkalot bɨ:lɨŋ 'black' [TYM#730] | Note: Ivatan appears to have lost its standard reflex of [ɣ] in this word.  | Cf: PWMP *baləŋ ‘spotted, streaked’ [ACD]
PPH #02 *bulbul ‘body hair; feathers’ > PBsh *buɣbuɣ > Itbayaten voxbox, Imorod boboh, Iraralay bobow, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan bo:boh. [TYM#098, Reid (1971), Gallego#094 (2014), ACD] | Note. This is one of the more important of several hundred innovations proposed by Blust (2019) for PPH.
PPH #03 *ipus ‘tail’ > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayten, Ivasay, Babuyan ipos [TYM#687, ACD] | Note. This is another of several hundred innovations proposed by Blust (2019) for PPH.
PPH #04 *Raŋaw 'new shoot of vines or creepers' [ACD] > PBsh *yaŋaw 'branch’ > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan yaŋaw [semantic innovation - TYM#555]. | Replaces PAN *paŋa ‘fork of a branch; any forked structure; bifurcation’ [ACD]. | Note that PMP *saŋa[h] ‘bifurcation, fork of a branch’ is preserved by all Bashiic lects as PBsh *saŋa [TYM#556]
PPH #05 *suŋit ‘bite, bitten off, of food’ [ACD] > PBsh *suŋit ‘bite’ [v] > Imorod, Iraralay soŋit, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan soñit [TYM#379] | Vasayic reflects palatalization of *ŋ before *i. | Replaces PAN *kaRaC ‘bite’ [ACD]
PPH #06 *tudul ‘give’ > PBsh *tuduɣ + *i- > Itbayaten i|torox, Imorod, Iraralay i|toro, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan i|toroh. [TYM#351] | This PPH innovation has been exclusively shared with the Kalamianic group of Philippine languages. | Yamic has a doublet azaw < PYam *araw. | Replaces PAN *bəRay ‘give’ [ACD]
2.6. Six appear as “diads”, generally (but not always) supporting a split of this macrogroup into Yamic as opposed to Vasayic.
DIAD#1 ‘all’ [TYM#819]
PYam *lubut > Imorod, Iraralay lovot. | Also doublet: PYam *mimin > Imorod, Iraralay mamimin.
PVas *tábuh > Itbayaten tavoh (tattavoh), Ivasay ataavo, Isamorong atavo, Babuyan tabo.
DIAD#2 ‘burn’ [TYM#202]
PBsh *asləb > Imorod, Iraralay asləb
PVas *barbar > Itbayaten varbar, Ivasay balbal
DIAD#3 ‘cloud’ [TYM#481 & ‘cloudy’ #482]
PYam *kinalab > cinalab
PAN *dəmdəm  > Itbayaten rəmdəm, Imorod, Iraralay, Ivasay, Isamorong dəmdəm~| Also doublet: PWMP *kunəm > Imorod makənəm (assimilation), Isamorong, Babuyan makonəm.
DIAD#4 ‘die’ [TYM#244]
PYam *rakat > Imorod, Iraralay zakat
PVas *liman > Itbayaten liman, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan diman
DIAD#5 ‘hand’ [TYM#060]
PBsh *lima > Iraralay, Itbayaten lima< PAN *qalima[h]
PBat *tanudu > Ivasay, Isamorong tanoro
DIAD#6 ‘mouth’ [TYM#026]
PYam *ŋuŋuy > Imorod, Iraralay ŋoŋoy ‘mouth’
PBsh *ŋusu > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten ŋoso ‘mouth’ < PAN *ŋusuq ‘nasal area; snout’ [ACD]
DIAD#7 ‘lip’ [TYM#029]
PBsh *bibih > Itbayaten vivih, Imorod, Iraralay vivi, Babuyan bibi‘lip’, Ivasay, Isamorong vivi ‘mouth’ < PMP *bibiR ‘lower lip’ < PAN *biRbiR ‘lip’ [ACD]
PVas *kaɣadipan nu bibih > Itbayaten kaxaripan no vivih, Ivasay, Isamorong kaharipan no vivi ‘lip’
2.7. Three descend from PWMP.
PWMP#1 *si-nuh ‘who?’ > PBsh *sinuh > Itbayaten sinoh, Imorod, Iraralay, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan sino. [TYM§4] | NOTE. We would expect evidence for PPH *siʔnuh < *si + *ʔanuh (with syncope), but the glottal stop has completely disappeared from Bashiic thereby supporting a different etymon.
PWMP#2 *tabəq ‘fat, grease’ [n] > PBsh *taba > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong tava, Babuyan taba. [TYM#153]| NOTE: A competing innovation can also be reconstructed in this meaning: PBsh *ɣabuh (see above).
PWMP#3 *tuqəlaŋ ‘bone’ > PBsh *tuʔɣaŋ > Itbayaten toʔxaŋ, Imorod, Iraralay totowaŋ (+CV-), Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan tohaŋ [TYM#110].
2.8. Three appear to indicate some attachment to the proposed “Y-Group”.
YGrp#1 *butʔul ‘bone; seed’ [ZDS] > Sambal, Bolinao, Iraya butʔul, Botolan butʔu, Kapampangan bu:tul, Remontado butʔó, Alangan bitul (dissimilation) > PBsh *butuɣ ‘seed’ > Imorod vottoh, Iraralay vottow (note gemination), Itbayaten votox, Ivasay, Isamorong votoh, Babuyan botoh [TYM#147] | Note: Under this subgrouping, Tagalog butó must be a loan from a Central Luzon language, and Hanunoo butʔul, Buhid butul from North Mangyan. | Cf: PMP *butəqul ‘hard seed; burl, knot in wood’ in the ACD. We propose that the Mongondow, Makassarese, Paulohi, and Hawaiian forms are from a completely different etymology based on their semantics.
YGrp#2 *dagul ~ *dakul ‘big, large’ (shimmer) > Kapampangan dágul ‘grow’ ~ maragúl, Iraya lakul ‘big’ [ZDS] > PBsh *dakuɣ > Itbayaten rakox, Imorod rako (?), Iraralay, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan rakoh [TYM#713] | Note: PPH *dakə́l ‘big, large (in size or quantity)’ [ACD] where Yami and Itbayaten cognates are cited without explanation of why the final vowel is [o] rather than schwa. The latter is clearly a solid PPH innovation which Blust (2019) proposed, but it was not shared within the YGrp, where a phonetically similar form was innovated, just as a competing PSP *dakəlaʔ and PBS *dagkuʔ also appeared. [ZDS]
YGrp #3 *lakáy ‘male’ > Botolan lakáy ‘husband’ > PBsh *ɣakay ‘man, male’ > Itbayaten maxakay, Imorod məhakay, Iraralay məhakəy, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan mahakay [TYM#263] | Cf: PWMP *lakay ‘grandfather’, of which Blust himself states “This reconstruction is very problematic.” | There is evidence (ZDS) for a PNP *lakay ‘old (person)’ which stands in sharp semantic contrast with a completely unrelated homonym: PSP *lakay ‘tail feather’.
2.9. Two cognates indicate either some historical attachment to PNP or an axis relationship with the languages of Western Luzon.
PNP#01 *bakə́s ‘old (woman)’ [ZDS] > PBsh *mabakəs ‘woman, female’ > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong mavakəs, Babuyan mabakəs [TYM#264] | Note: PPH *bakəs ‘old woman; female, of animals’ in the ACD, but only NPh evidence from Yami through Casiguran Dumagat; absolutely no SPh cognates.
WLz-axis *bulúŋ ‘leaf’ > PBsh *buɣuŋ ‘leaf’ > Itbayaten voxoŋ, Imorog, Iraralay, Ivasay, Isamorong vohoŋ, Babuyan bohoŋ [TYM#557] | PSP *bulúŋ ‘medicine’ [ZDS] | Note: PMP *buluŋ ‘medicinal herbs’ [ACD] | replaced PMP *dahun ‘leaf’ [ACD] retained in Eastern Luzon (Ibanag through Yogad) and broadly throughout the Southern Philippines.
2.10.  Only one word, ‘lie down’ [TYM#204], indicates that each Bashiic lect went on its own way despite the otherwise widespread cognates of PPH *hidəRaʔ (which may be retained in Yamic: Imorod, Iraralay m|iray with truncation). Otherwise, each of the following is unique:
Iraralay apayo ~ mapayo
Itbayaten hipa ~ homipa ~ omhipa
Ivasay govat ~ magovagovat | harag ~maharaharag
Isamorong rowag ~ marowarowag
Babuyan poktad ~ maypoktad

3. LEXICAL CLASSIFICATION – The Zorc (2022) 100 Word List
Ever since Zorc (1974), continued research into the wordlists of other scholars and published surveys has contributed to many refinements as to what lexical items have the greatest informational value. As just one example, entries in the ACD may have as few as two or three entries [e.g., PWMP *a(m)bək ‘mat’ (Casiguran Dumagat & Beta), PPH *bik(ə)lát ‘scar’ (Ifugaw, Tagalog) which would occupy less than a quarter printed page. However, some entries go on and on, taking enough space to qualify as a major article. Here are some of those entries that wound up during Zorc’s survey in 2017 with a huge number of printed pages (with a cut-off point of ten). Note that accented forms only apply to PPH; contrastive accent cannot be assigned to PAN, PMP, or PWMP (Smith forthcoming):
PAN *kaən ‘eat’ [Zorc: *káʔən ~ *kan mono]	64
PAN *maCá ‘eye’	53
PAN *duSá ‘two’	45
PAN *maCáy ‘death; die’	37
PAN *aNák ‘child, offspring’	36
PAN *təlú ‘three’	29
PAN *buaq ‘fruit’	25
PAN *limá ‘five’	24
PMP *sakít ‘sick, painful’	22
PAN *káSiw ‘wood; tree’	21
PAN *Səpát ‘four’	20
PAN *pitú ‘seven’	20
PAN *qaCáy ‘liver’	19
PAN *kúCux ‘head louse’	19
PAN *batúx ‘stone; testicle’	19
PAN *púluq ‘group of ten’	19
PMP *píliq ‘to choose, to select, to pick out’	18
PAN *Cáŋis ‘weep, cry; mourn; to beseech’	18
PAN *ámax ‘father’ [reference] ~ *amá [voc]	18
PAN *súsu ‘female breast; udder’	17
PAN *manúk ‘chicken’	17
PAN *síkux ‘elbow’	17
PMP *saláq ‘wrong, in error,,,’	17
PAN *dəŋə́R ‘to hear; sound’	16
PAN *ína ‘mother’ [reference] ~ iná [voc]	16
PAN *zálan ‘path (made by human); way’	16
PAN *buNúq ‘throw at; hit with projectile’	16
PAN *Sapúy ‘fire’	15
PAN *tuqáS ‘old (person); primary (forest)’	15
PAN *qabúh ‘ash, cinder, powder’	13
PMP *bulu ‘body hair, feather, down’	14
  replaced by PPH *bulbul [INNOVATION]	cf
PMP *inúm ‘drink’	14
PAN *qúluh ‘head’	14
PAN *quzáN ‘rain’	14
PAN *báhi ‘woman, female’	14
PAN *pijáx [qw: quantity] ‘how many?’ [FUNCTOR]	13
PAN *akú ‘I’ [FUNCTOR]	13
PMP *dáhun ‘leaf’	13
PAN *búlaN ‘moon’	13
PAN *ku ‘my; by me’ [FUNCTOR]	13
PAN *ŋájan ‘name’	13
PAN *tuzúq ‘point at ~ out’	13
PAN *CúNuh ‘roast over fire’	13
PAN *ənə́m ‘six’	13
PAN *útaq ‘vomit’	13
PAN *dáRaq ‘blood’	12
PAN *CaNə́m ‘bury; grave’	12
PAN *búŋah ‘flower, blossom’	12
PAN *bábuy ‘pig’	12
PAN *túbah ‘plant: Derris elliptica’	12
PMP *táRuq ‘store, put away; hide’	12
PAN *CáliS ‘twine: string ~ rope’	12
PAN *kitá ~ itá ‘we (inclusive)’ [FUNCTOR]	12
PMP *tanəq ‘earth, soil’	11
PAN *tákut ‘fear’	11
PAN *láŋaw ‘fly, housefly’	11
PAN *dáləm ‘in(side); deep’	11
PMP *bukúh ‘node; joint; knuckle’	11
PAN *ulíq ‘return home’	11
PMP *qatə́p  ‘roof: thatch’	11
PAN *láŋiC ‘sky’	11
PMP *háŋin ‘wind’	11
PAN *walú ‘eight’	10
PAN *Cáqi ‘feces, excrement’	10
PMP *Ratús ‘hundred’	10
PAN *túduR ‘sleep’	10
PAN *Cákaw ‘steal’	10
PAN *kamí ~ *amí ‘we (exclusive)’ [FUNCTOR]	10
With the exception of functors (reserved for the next section) and words that did not occur in TYM or any other study (such as PAN *túbah ‘Derris elliptica’), if they were not on the Swadesh list, they do form part of the Zorc 2022 study.
TABLE 2. BASHIIC LEXICAL COMPARISON [Zorc 100 (2022)]
	Imr	Ira	Itb	Ivs	Ism	Bab
Imorod	X	98	85	79	83	80
Iraralay	97	X	83	78	82	80
Itbayaten	83	84	X	90	93	89
Ivasay	79	78	89	X	94	89
Isamorong	83	82	92	93	X	92
Babuyan	79	81	89	89	92	X
Ilokano	51	48	52	50	52	54
Aklanon	50	48	51	50	50	47
Tagalog	47	45	45	45	45	44
Note that via this comparison, Itbayaten clearly shows a closer relationship with Batanic. Note also that each lect has at least one score at 90% or higher.
3.1. Forty-two (42) items from the Swadesh-100 word list overlap with the Zorc 100 (2022), leaving fifty-eight (58) lexemes to be accounted for historically. Just like the results of the Swadesh 100, the Bashiic equivalents reflect a descendancy from PAN, through PMP, then PWMP (only one was observed), but then PPH, and some influence from PNP. Again there are clearcut Proto-Bashiic innovations, or some limited to Proto-Yamic, Proto-Vasayic, or Proto-Batanic.
3.2. The following twenty-three are derived from PAN:
PAN#40 *ama ‘father’ > PBsh *ama > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong ama; Ibatan ámaŋ (with a frozen vocative suffix *-ŋ). [TYM#268]
PAN#41 *a-ʔənəm ‘six’ > PBsh *aʔnəm > Itbayaten aʔnəm, Imorod, Iraralay, Ivasay anəm, Isamorong, Babuyan ánəm. | Note also doublet PYam *nanəm > Imorod, Iraralay nanəm. [TYM#808]
PAN#42 *a-ʔəpat ‘four’ > PBsh *aʔpat > Itbayaten, Ivasay aʔpat, Imorod, Iraralay, Ivasay, Isamorong apat, Babuyan ápat. | Note also doublet PYam *papat > Imorod, Iraralay papat. [TYM#806]
PAN#43 *qaNiCu ‘ghost’, spirit of dead ancestors’ > PBsh *anitu > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan anito. [TYM#246]
PAN#44 *qasiN ‘salt’ > PBsh *asin > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan asin | Iraralay has a unique doublet hana. [TYM#150]
PAN#45 *baŋuN ‘wake up, get out of bed’ > PBsh *baŋun + *maR- > Imorod, Isamorong mi|vaŋon, Iraralay məy|vaŋən, Ivasay may|vaŋon, Babuyan may|baŋon. [TYM#209] | Itbayaten has unique mi|twas.
PAN#46 *Cakaw ‘steal’ > PBsh *takaw > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong takaw, Babuyan tákaw [TYM#288], with a widespread variant inflection from PWMP *manakaw [ACD] > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan manakaw. [TYM#288]
PAN#47 *Caki ‘feces, excreta’ > PVas *taki ‘excrement’ > Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan taci. | PYam *ubut > Imorod, Iraralay obot [TYM#083]
PAN#48 *Caŋis ‘weep, cry’ > PVas *taŋis + *<um>‘weep’ > Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan tañis ~ tomañis  [TYM#118] | Yamic (Imorod, Iraralay) have distincta distinct lavi ~ omlavi < PYam *labi [DIAD].
PAN#49 *ina ‘mother’ > PBsh *ina > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong ina | Note. Babuyan has ánaŋ, Imorod has a derivation moina, Itbayaten has synonyms naana and mama, Isamorong has si:na and nana. [TYM#269]
PAN#50 *laŋiC ‘sky’ > PBsh *ɣaŋít > Itbayaten, xañit, Imorod aŋit, Iraralay, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan hañit. Note palatalization of *ŋ to ñ before *i [TYM#480]
PAN#51 *likud ‘back’ > PBsh *likud > Imorod, Iraralay likod; Itbayaten licod, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan dicod (with palatalization of *k after *i) [TYM#079]
PAN#52 *lima ‘five’ > PBsh *lima > Itbayaten, Imorod, Iraralay lima | PAN *lalima ‘five (humans)’ > PBsh *lalima > Imorod, Iraralay lalima, Isamorong, Babuyan dadima. Note also doublet PYam *alima> Imorod, Iraralay alima. [TYM#807]
PAN#53 *lisəqəS ‘nit, louse egg’ > PBsh *lisaha > Itbayaten lisaha, Imorod, Iraralay, Isamorong lisa, Babuyan disa [TYM#639]
PAN#54 *manuk ‘chicken’ > PBsh *manuk > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan manok. [TYM#660]
PAN#55 *piliq ‘choose, select’ > PBsh *pili + *-ən > Imorod pily|in, Iraralay pili|yin, Itbayaten pili|ən ~ mamili, Ivasay pidi|ən, Isamorong, Babuyan pidi|yən [TYM#464]
PAN#56 *pitu ‘seven’ > PBsh *pitu > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay pito | PAN *papitu ‘seven (humans)’ > Imorod, Iraralay, Isamorong, Babuyan papito. Note also doublet PYam *apitu > Imorod, Iraralay apito (with prothesis). [TYM#809]
PAN#57 *puluq ‘group of ten’ > PBsh *puɣu ‘unit of ten’ > Itbayaten poxo, Imorod, Ivasay, Babuyan poho, Iraralay poo, Isamorong poh [TYM#812]
PAN#58 *RaCus ‘hundred’ > PVas *yatus > Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong yatos. Babuyan gasot is from Ilokano. Yamic *asa pulu ‘one ten’> Imorod asa poho, Iraralay asa poo is unique. [TYM#814]
PAN#59 *sikux ‘elbow’ > PBsh *síkuh > Itbayaten sicoh, Imorod, Iraralay siko,, Ivasay sico, Isamorong si:co, Babuyan si:ko [TYM#059]
PAN#60 *təlu ‘three’ > PBsh *atlu [with prothesis] > Itbayaten, Imorod, Iraralay atlo, Babuyan tdo | PAN *tatəlu ‘three (humans)’ > PBsh *tatlu > Imorod, Iraralay tatlo, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan tatdo [TYM#805]
PAN#61 *utaq ‘vomit’ > PBsh *uta > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan ota [TYM#174]
PAN#62 *walu ‘eight’ > PBsh * waɣu > Itbayaten waxo, Imorod, Iraralay wawo, Ivasay waho | PAN *wawalu ‘eight (humans)’ > Imorod wawao, Iraralay wawao, Isamorong, Babuyan wawaho. Note also doublet PYam *awalu > Imorod awao, Iraralay awawo (with prothesis) [TYM#810]
3.3. The following three are derived from PMP:
PMP#08 *qatəp ‘roof, thatch’ > PBsh *atəp > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan atəp [TYM#191]
PMP #09 *balay ‘house’ > PBsh *baɣay > Itbayaten vaxay, Imorod, Ivasay, Isamorong vahay, Iraralay vahəy, Babuyan bahay [TYM#188]
PMP #10 *niuR ‘coconut’ > PBsh *niyuy > Itbayaten niyoy ~ ñoy, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan ñiyoy; Imorod añoy, Iraralay añiyoy [TYM#142] | Note: as the Itbayaten doublet ñoy suggests, the Yamic forms appear to be the result of reduction to a monosyllable, with prothetic *a- added to restore disyllabicity.
3.4. The following five are derived from PPH:
PPH#07 *lubid ‘string, twine’ > PBsh *ɣubid [TYM#231] > Itbayaten xovid, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan hovid, Imorod, Iraralay ovid
PPH#08 *pasuʔ ‘roast, cook over fire’ > DIAD [TYM#165] PVas *pasuØ ‘roast, broil’ > Itbayaten paso|ən, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan paso|hən | | PYam *sarab > Imorod sazab (Iraralay blank)
PPH#09 *Rahinawa ‘breathe’> PBsh *hinawa [TYM#038] > Itbayaten om|hinawa, Ivasay, Isamorong om|inawa, Imorod, Iraralay om|ininawa (with VC-) < PAN *NiSawa [ACD]
PPH#10 *siyam ‘nine’ > TRIAD [TYM#811] PBsh *siyam > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay siyam, PBsh *sasiyam > Imorod, Iraralay, Isamorong, Babuyan sasiyam, PYam *asiyam > Imorod asyam (syncope), Iraralay asiyam.

3.5. The following two  are derived from PNP:
PNP#03 *sabuŋ ‘flower, blossom’ [TYM#562] > PBsh *sabuŋ ‘flower’ > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay savoŋ, Isamorong savosavoŋ (with CVCV-), Babuyan saboŋ | Replacing PAN *buŋa, PWMP *bujak
PNP#04 *ʔunás ‘sugarcane’ [TYM#151] > PBsh *unas > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan onas. | Replacing PAN *təbuS ~ *CəbuS.
3.6. Just one is descended from PWMP:
PWMP#4 *bihaR ‘spare, allow to live; captive, one taken alive in war’ [ACD] > PBsh *bihay ‘alive’ [TYM#235] > Itbayaten ma|vihay, Ivasay, Isamorong ma|viyay, Imorod ma|viay, Iraralay ma|viəy ‘alive’

= = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = =
4. FUNCTOR CLASSIFICATION

Following upon Charles F. Hockett (the chairman of Zorc’s committee at Cornell 1969-1975), the lexicon of any given language is broken up into <contentives> and <functors>. In his dissertation, Zorc (1975) developed a 100-functor list for Bisayan. (See Zorc 1977:223-234, later, Zorc 1978. [In 1979 he also did so for Yolngu-Matha in Australia.] Coincidentally, McFarland (1974) at Yale had developed “morphemic differentiae analysis” which compared all the functors against paradigms in each Bikol lect. TYM(1987) have a frontmatter with 80 “Restricted-Class Morphemes” so we selected an additional 20 functor-like lexemes from their lexical study in order to make an even 100. Below is the list (with proposed etymologies, if reconstructable).

Most of the functors (pronouns, case-marking particles, grammatical affixation, and verb inflections) reveal that Bashiic is rather conservative.

TABLE. PROTO-BASHIIC PRONOUNS
	TOPIC1	TOPIC2	POSS1	POSS2	LOCATIVE
1	*yakən	*aku	*niakən	*ku	*diakən
2	*imu	*ka	*nimu	*mu	*dimu
3	*siya	*iya	*niya	*na	*diya
1	*yamən	*kami	*niamən	*namən	*diamən
1&2	*yatən	*ta	*niatən	*ta	*diatən
2	*imiyu	*kamu	*nimiyu	*miyu	*dimiyu
3	*sida	*sa	*nida	*da	*dida
Bashiic tends to use the *i- nominative marker for first and second person with resyllabification to y- (thus i-akən, i-mu, i-amən, i-atən. i-miyu but *si- for third person *si-ya, *si-da, with the exception of the doublet *i-ya. Note that the inclusive full form PAN *kita has been lost in favor of the root *ta).
PROTO-BASHIIC CASE-MARKERS
	TOPIC	POSS/ERG	OBJECT	LOC
	*u		*nu	*su	*du
	*i		*ni	Itb only si	*di
All Bashiic lects support the *u-based etyma as Proto-Bashiic, otherwise agreeing in having the alternate locative *di. It is clear that Itbayaten has preserved something of an original *u - *i alternation. Note in the ACD PWMP *u ‘genitive particle’, PAN *nu ‘genitive case marker for common nouns’, PAN *su ‘nominative case marker for common nouns’, PWMP *du ‘locative case marker for common nouns’.
However, it is the deictic system that reflects the greatest amount of differentiation distinguishing these lects from one another. These Bashiic lects in particular, and Philippine lects in general, form what are also known as “demonstrative pronouns” from a root (such as *ya, *wa, *di, *tu, *ni) with various case-marking prefixes, (such as *u-or *i- [nominative or topic] , *s- [object],*di- [locative]), and, when pragmatics dictate, with a referential suffix (such as -ya or -ri in Babuyan – Maree 2007:60). It should be noted that of all functors, deictics tend to be the least conservative and most innovative, not just in Bashiic, but in most Philippine languages. The differences that obtain even among close dialects are mind-boggling. It is virtually impossible to develop a comprehensive table of all deictics in a brief survey of any language. It generally take years of study and analysis to fully comprehend the intricacies of all possible case relationships and especially the pragmatic strategies that almost any speaker has available with each language’s deictic system.

The Bashiic first person system is based on a root *ya, yielding a Proto-Bashiic *uya [deic-1-nom1] reflected by Yami, Iraralay, Babuyan oya. There is also a doublet, Proto-Vasayic *iya [deic-1-nom2] reflected by Itbayaten, Ivasay, Babuyan iya, Isamorong ya. This latter form can be reconstructed for PPH *ʔí|ya based on Aklanon ʔíya ‘here’, and is itself a homonym of PAN *ia ‘3sg. personal pronoun: he, she; him, her, it’ [ACD]. This root combines with various case-forming consonants to indicate the grammatical role, hence, *di|ya ‘locative’ is reconstructed for Proto-Vasayic, realized as Itbayaten diya, Isamorong and Babuyan jiya; Ivasay diaya reflects morphological reanalysis as if the full root was *aya with the *di- locative prefix.

The second person deictic root is Bashiic *di, reflected in the nominative of most lects as Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong ori < PBsh *udi.

The third person deictic forms tend to be lect specific, i.e., unique.

Departing from our otherwise thorough analysis of TYM, let us take a look at the deictic system as described in the respective grammars for three of these lects..

YAMI DEICTICS (Rau & Dong. 2006:119)
	NOM1	NOM2	POSS	OBJECT	LOCATIVE
1	ya	oya	nonia	sosia	doja
2	əri	ori	nonaŋ	sosaŋ	dodaŋ
3	əito	oito	nonito	sosito	dojito
Distal					dokwaŋ
The Yami system reflects PBsh *ya throughout the first person paradigm, but the case-marking involves *CuC- (where *C stands for the thematic case-marking consonant). The second person nominative alone reflects PBsh *di; in all the other cases a suppletive *Caŋ has been innovated. The third person is derived from PAN *-Cu, specifically *iCu [ACD], but has an innovated move in distance from 2nd to 3rd person. The distal *dukwaŋ is clearly a Yamic innovation.
ITBAYATEN DEICTICS [Yamada. 2002:11]
	New info	Old info	Plural	Locative
1	iya	niya	saya	diya
2	ori	nawi	sawi	dawi
Distal	oorihay	noorihay	soorihay	doorihay
The Itbayaten system differs from the other lects in that what were originally case-determined forms have adapted to a pragmatic function (i.e., new vs old information), or to mark plurality. It is only the locative that matches the case system. PBsh *ya is stable for the first person. In the second person, *di is retained in the nominative, but has become *wi in the other cases. The third person or distal forms have identical roots to that of the second person, but with vowel lengthening and an innovated suffix *-hay.
BABUYAN DEICTICS [Maree 2007:60]
	NOM1	NOM2	POSS	OBJECT	LOCATIVE
1	iya	oya {arch}	nya	sya	dya
2	wa		nwa	swa	dwa
1&2	yaw		naw	saw	daw
3	iyaw	wanaw	nwanaw	swanaw	dwadaw
The Babuyan system also retains the first person root *ya and uses just the thematic case-marker. The second person has an innovative *wa plus thematic case-marking in the non-nominative forms. Babuyan has an innovated “not so distant” series based on *aw, with thematic case marking. It should be noted that this *aw is shared with the Cagayan Valley deictic system (see ZDS *aw), but is a first person root therein. The distal or third person system is based on an innovative *Cwanaw, but the locative has the shape *dwadaw.

THE BASHIIC FUNCTOR LIST
= = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = =
NUM	GRAMMATICAL DESCRIPTION	TYM	ETYMOLOGY
001	[pro-1-sg-nom1] I	RCM1a	PBsh *yakən
002	[pro-2-sg-nom1] you, ye	RCM1b	PBsh *imu
003	[pro-3-sg-nom1] he/she	RCM1c	PBsh *siya
004	[pro-1&2-nom1] we [incl]	RCM1d	PBsh *yatən
005	[pro-1-pl-nom1] we [excl]	RCM1e	PBsh *yamən
006	[pro-2-pl-nom1] you, ye	RCM1f	PBsh *imiyu
007	[pro-3-pl-nom1] they	RCM1g	PBsh *sida
008	[cm-pn-sg-nom]	RCM1h	PBsh *si NAME
009	[cm-pn-pl-nom1]	RCM1i	PBsh *sida NAME
010	[pro-1-sg-nom2] I	RCM1a	PBsh *aku
011	[pro-2-sg-nom2] thou 	RCM1b	PBsh *ka
012	[pro-3-sg-nom2] he/she	RCM1c	PBsh *iya
013	[pro-1&2-nom2]	RCM1b	PBsh *ta
014	[pro-1-pl-nom2] we	RCM2b	PBsh *kami
015	[pro-2-pl-nom2] you, ye	RCM2b	PBsh *kamu
016	[pro-3-pl-nom2] they	RCM1g	PBsh *sa
017	[cm-pn-pl-nom2]	RCM1h	PBsh *sa NAME
018	[pro-1-sg-gen] my	RCM1a	PBsh *ku
019	[pro-2-sg-gen] thy	RCM1b	PBsh *mu
020	[pro-3-sg-gen] his/her	RCM1c 	PBsh *na
021	[pro-1&2-gen]	RCM1d 	PBsh *ta
022	[pro-1-pl-gen] our [excl]	RCM1e 	PBsh *namən
023	[pro-2-pl-gen] your	RCM1f 	PBsh *nimiyu
024	[pro-3-pl-gen] their	RCM1g 	PBsh *nida
025	[cm-pn-sg-gen]	RCM1h 	PBsh *ni NAME
026	[cm-pn-pl-gen]	RCM1i 	PBsh *dida NAME
027	[pro-1-sg-obl] to me	RCM1a 	PVas *diakən
028	[pro-2-sg-obl1] to thee	RCM3 	PVas *dimu
029	[pro-3-sg-obl1] to him/her	RCM3 	PBsh *diya
030	[pro-1&2-obl1] to us (incl)	RCM1d 	PBsh *di-atən
031	[pro-1-pl-obl1] to us (excl)	RCM1e 	PBsh *di-amən
032	[pro-2-pl-obl1] to you	RCM3 	PBsh *di-miyu
033	[pro-3-pl-obl1] to them	RCM3 	PBsh *di-da
034	[cm-pn-pl-obl]	RCM3 	PBsh *dida NAME
035	[pro-1-sg-obl2] to me	RCM1a 	PVas *ni-akən
036	[pro-2-sg-obl2] to thee	RCM1b	PVas *ni-mu
037	[pro-3-sg-obl2] to him/her	RCM1c	PBsh *ni-ya
038	[pro-1&2-obl2] to us all	RCM1d 	PBsh *ni-atən
039	[pro-1-pl-obl2] to us [excl]	RCM1e 	PBsh *ni-amən
040	[pro-2-pl-obll2] to you	RCM1f	PVas *ni-miyu
041	[pro-3-pl-obll2] to them	RCM1g	PBsh *ni-da
042	[deic-1-nom1] this	RCM2a	PBsh *u-ya
043	[deic-2-nom1] that	RCM2ab	PBsh *u-di
044	[deic-3-nom1-visible] yon	RCM2ab	PYm *ui-tu
045	[deic-3-nom2-invisible] yon	RCM2ab	SPECIFIC
046	[deic-1-nom2] this	RCM2b 	PVas *i-ya
047	[deic-2-nom2] that	RCM2 	SPECIFIC
048	[deic-3-nom2-visible] yon]	RCM2 	SPECIFIC
049	[deic-3-nom2-invisible] yon]	RCM2 	SPECIFIC
050	[deic-1-obl1] here	RCM2	PVas *di-ya
051	[deic-2-obl there	RCM2c	SPECIFIC
052	[deic-3-obl-visible] yonder	RCM2c 	SPECIFIC
053	[deic-3-obl-invisible] yonder	RCM2c 	SPECIFIC
054	[deic-1-obl2] to this	RCM2c	SPECIFIC
055	[deic-2-obl2] to that	RCM2	SPECIFIC
056	[deic-3-obl-visible] to yon	RCM2d 	SPECIFIC
057	[deic-3-obl-invisible] to yon	RCM2d 	SPECIFIC
058	[cm-cn-nom~topic]	RCM3a	PBsh *u
059	[cm-cn-gen~actor]	RCM3b	PBsh *nu
060	[cm-cn-obj]	RCM3c	PBsh *su
061	[cm-cn-loc1] at	RCM3d	PBsh *du
062	[cm-cn-loc2]	RCM3d	PBsh *di
063	[linker ~ ligature]	RCM3e	PAN *a
064	[qw] who?	RCM4a	PWMP *si-nuh
065	[qw] what?	RCM4b	TRIAD
066	[qw] which?	RCM4c	SPECIFIC
067	[qw] where: at? [locative]	RCM4d	PNP *di-nuh
068	[qw] where: to? [allative]	RCM4e	PVas *di-nuh
069	[qw] how many?	RCM4f	PAN *pijax
070	[qw] when: future?	RCM4g	PBsh *maŋuh
071	[qw] when: past?	RCM4h	PBsh *kaŋuh
072	[qw] why?]	RCM4i	SPECIFIC
073	[dp-now~already]	RCM5a	PBsh *dana
074	[dp-yet~still]	RCM5b	PAN *pa
075	[dp-quote] they say, it is said	RCM5c	PMP *kunu
076	[conj] and [w/ common noun]	RCM6a	*akanu | *kanu  |  *kan
077	[conj] and [w/ name]	RCM6b	*akani(da) | *kani
078	[conj] if	RCM6c	*anu si | *an
079	[conj] because	RCM6d	PNP *ta
080	[cm-cn-i-alternate-set]	RCM3	Itbayaten only
081	[quantifier] enough, sufficient"	#816	PBsh *kanət
081	[quantifier] enough, sufficient"	#816	PVas *nawub
082	[quantifier] many	#817	PBsh *adu
083	[quantifier] few	#818	PBsh *pədə
084	[quantifier] all	#819	PBsh *tabuh
084	[quantifier] all	#819	PYam *malubut ~ *maminin
085	[exist] there is; have	#825	PBsh *miyan
086	[neg-exist] none; not have	#826	PBsh *aʔbu
087	[neg-v]	#827	PBsh *di
088	[neg-n]	#828	TRIAD
089	[neg-affirmative] no!	#830	PVas *əŋga
090	[affirmative] yes!	#829	PBsh *uwən
091	[temp] early	#793	PBsh *makayih
092	[temp] late	#794	PBsh *mahaɣay
093	[temp] now	#795	TRIAD
094	[temp] today	#796	PBsh *sika-adaw
095	[temp] yesterday	#797	PBsh *ka-kuyab
096	[temp] tomorrow	#798	TRIAD
097	[loc] right	#767	PBsh *wanan
098	[loc] left	#768	PBsh *guri
099	[loc] inside	#765	PBsh *saɣad 
100	[loc] outside	#766 	PVas *ga:gan
100	[loc] outside	#766 	PYam *pantaw
= = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = =

TABLE 3. BASHIIC SCORES FOR THE FUNCTOR 100
	Imor	Irar	Itb	Ivas	Isam	Bab
Imorod	X	88	55	55	51	53
Iraralay	89	X	57	58	53	55
Itbayaten	59	60	X	74	71	66
Ivasay	56	58	74	X	80	74
Isamorong	51	53	69	78	X	80
Babuyan	53	54	67	75	77	X
These scores show a significant difference among lects more linguistically distant from one another (with a low just above 50% percentile). The Yami lects are the closest to each other (well above 80%), while the Batanic lects approach 80%. Itbayaten is clearly distinguished from all other lects, but shares at least 59% of its functors.
F#001 RCM§1a PBsh *yakən ‘I’ [pro-1-sg-nom1] > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan yakən. < PPH *yakən [ZDS] Itawis ya:kən, Itneg dya:kən, Kagayanen yakən; Tadyawan yak (truncation)
F#002 RCM§1b PBsh *imu ‘thou’ [pro-2-sg-nom1] > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan imo. < PAN *Simu ‘2p pronoun: you’
F#003a RCM§1c PVas *iya ‘he/she’ [pro-3-sg-nom1] > Itbayaten, Ivasay, Babuyan iya < PAN *ia ‘3sg. Personal pronoun: he, she; him, her, it’. | Note. In Yamic, Imorod uses the deictics ori or əri, and Iraralay the deictic oito or ya instead of specific pronouns.
F#003b RCM§1c PVas *siya ‘he/she’ [pro-3-sg-nom1] > Itbayaten, Isamorong siya. < PAN *si ia ‘sg. Personal pronoun: he, she, it’ [ACD]. Zorc reconstructs PAN *siya (where the second *i is actually *y realized as a semivowel) and has the third person pronominal root ya.
F#004 RCM§1d PBsh *yatən ‘we (inclusive)’ [pro-1&2-pl-nom1] > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan yatən.
F#005 RCM§1e PBsh *yamən ‘we (exclusive)’ [pro-1-pl-nom1] > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan yamən. | Clearly PPH *yamən < PAN *i-amən ‘1pl ex oblique’ [ACD]. Note: Iraya yámən Ibid, Kalamian Tagbanwa yamən [pro-1-pl-gen]. [ZDS]
F#006a RCM§1f  PBsh *imiyu ‘ye, you’ [pro-2-pl-nom1] > Itbayaten imiyo, Imorod, Iraralay, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan iño ~ inyo | Blust reconstructs PCEMP *imi ‘2p. pl. pronoun: you’ under PAN *Simu., so the *imi part appears to have a historical precedent, with the final *-yu is a second person pluralizer as in PPH *ta-yu ‘we all (inclusive) and PPH *ka-yu ‘you all’. Note Aborlan, Batak, and Palawano imyu [pro-2-pl-gen].| 
F#006b RCM§1f  PPH *inyu < PBsh *iñu ‘ye’, you’ [pro-2-pl-nom1]. This reduced form with assimilation is far more prevalent throughout the Philippines, from most Bashiic lects except Itbayaten down through the entire Central Philippine subgroup including Tagalog, Bikol, and Bisayan (but not Manakan; see ZDS *inyu).
F#007 RCM§1g PBsh *sida ‘they’ [pro-3-pl-nom1] > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan sira | PMP *si ida ‘they’ under PMP *ida ‘they, them’ [ACD] | Zorc reconstructs: PMP *sida composed of the name marker *si and the third person plural root *da.
F#008 RCM§1h PBsh *si name [cm-pn-sg-nom] > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan si < PAN *si ‘nominative case marker for singular personal names or kin terms used as personal names’ [ACD] + [ZDSx2]
F#009 RCM§1h PBsh *sida name [cm-pn-pl-nom] > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Babuyan sira. [See comment on 007 above.]
F#010 RCM§1a PVas *aku [pro-1-sg-nom2] > Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan ako < PAN *aku ‘1sg nominative; I’ [ACD + ZDS x2] | Note: Yamic lects have ko, with apheresis, as does Cebuano.
F#011 RCM§1b PBsh *ka [pro-2-sg-nom2] > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan ka < PMP *ka ‘2sg. subject pronoun’ [ACD & ZDS]
F#012 RCM§1c PBsh? *iya [pro-3-sg-nom2] > Iraralay ya, Ivasay iya. | There is considerable diversity with this third person alternate form. Itbayaten has zero <Ø>, Imorod uses a deictic, and Babuyan has innovated <yao>. Among Philippine languages, Ilokano, Manobo (broadly), Kalagan and Tagakaolo (Mansakan), Tboli and Koronadal Bilaan (Bilic) all have a zero in the nominative (subject). So zero may have been a PPH alternate option. [ZDS]
F#013 RCM§1d PBsh *ta ‘we (inclusive)’ [pro-1&2-pl-nom2] > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan ta < PAN *ta ‘1pl. incl. Nominative and hortative pronoun’ [ACD & ZDS]
F#014a RCM§1e PBsh *namən ‘we (exclusive)’ [pro-1-pl-nom2] > Imorod, Iraralay, Ivasay namən. < PPH *námən [pro-1-pl-gen] [ZDS] | Blust reconstructs PAN *amən ‘1pl ex oblique’ [ACD]. Note that Bashiic here reflects a change in function from genitive (with *n- marking) to an alternate nominative. [See #022 below.]
F#014b RCM§1e PVas *kami ‘we (exclusive)’ [pro-1-pl-nom2] > Itbayaten, Isamorong, Babuyan kami. The Vasayic branch retains PAN *kami ~ ami [ACD].
F#015 RCM §1f  PBsh *kamu ‘you’ [pro-2-pl-nom2] > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan kamo < PAN *kamu ~ *amu ‘2pl. nominative pronoun’ [ACD]
F#016a RCM §1g PBsh *sida ‘they’ [pro-3-pl-nom2] > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong sira ‘they’ [pro-3-pl-nom2] < PMP *sida ~ *ida ‘they, them’ [ACD]
F#016b RCM §1g PVas *sa ‘they’ [pro-3-pl-nom2] > Itbayaten, Ivasay, Babuyan sa. In TYM, only Babuyan is portrayed as exclusively having sa; in Itbayaten and Ivasay sa is an alternate of sira. However, the Ibatan Dictionary (Maree & Thomas 2012) indicates that sira is an alternate form.
F#017 RCM§1h PVas *sa name [cm-pn-pl-nom] > Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong sa. | Possibly PPH: Note: Asi’ (Odionganon) sa, Bikol (all lects) sa: (with long vowel) [McFarland 1974]; ZDS.
F#018 RCM§1a PBsh *ku [pro-1-sg-gen] > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan ko < PAN *-ku ‘1sg genitive; my; by me’ [ACD & ZDSx2]
F#019 RCM§1b *mu [pro-2-sg-gen] > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan mo < PMP *-mu ‘2 sg possessor and agent of passive verb’ [ACD & ZDSx2]
F#020 RCM§1c PBsh *na [pro-3-sg-gen] > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan na < PAN *na [ZDSx2] ~ *ni-a ‘3sg. agent/possessor’ [ACD] | Note POC *-ña ‘3sg. possessor of inalienable possessed nouns’ | Evidence from Philippine languages such as Ibanag, Isneg, Agta, Casiguran Dumagat, Ifugao, Botolan Sambal -na and Karo & Toba Batak -na support *na at at least the PWMP level as a doublet of PMP *ña < PAN *ni-a.
F#021 RCM§1d PBsh *ta [pro-1&2-gen] > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan ta < PAN *-ta ‘1pl. incl. genitive suffix’ [ACD & ZDSx2]
F#022 RCM§1e PBsh *namən [pro-1-pl-gen] > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan namən [ZDS] | Blust reconstructs PAN *amən ‘1pl ex oblique’ [ACD]. Note that Bashiic here retains the standard genitive or possessive function of *n-.
F#023 RCM§1f PBsh *ñu [pro-2-pl-gen] > Imorod, Iraralay, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan ño < PPH *niyú [ZDS]
F#024  RCM§1g PBsh *da [pro-3-pl-gen] > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan da [ZDSx2] | The ACD only recognizes PMP *ida ‘they, them’ with derivatives PWMP *ni ida ‘of them, by them’, PMP *si ida ‘they’ and PAN *da is only glossed ‘locative case marker (probably for plural personal names)’. It now seems clear that PAN *da was the third person plural pronoun root, which readily extended to a marker for personal names.
F#025 RCM§1 PBsh *ni name [cm-pn-sg-gen] > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan ni name < PAN *ni ‘genitive case marker for singular personal names…’ [ACD & ZDSx2]
F#026 RCM§1 PBsh *nida name [cm-pn-pl-gen] > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan nira name < PPH *nida name | Cf: Cebuano nila name [McFarland 1977:17].
F#027 RCM§1 PBsh *diakən [pro-1-sg-obl] ‘to me’ > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan jakən . Note that all lects reflect palatalization. < PWMP *di-akən [ZDS] Cf: Itneg dyá:k ɨn, Bonggi diaadn.
F#028 RCM§1 PBsh *dimu [pro-2-sg-obl] ‘to thee’ > Imorod, Iraralay, Isamorong, Babuyan jimo (with palatalization), Itbayaten, Ivasay dimo [ZDS]
F#029 RCM§1 PBsh *diya [pro-3-sg-obl] ‘to him/her’ > Itbayaten diya, Ivasay dia, Imorod, Iraralay, Babuyan ja (with palatalization) < PWMP *dia | Malay dia. Isamorong jirana is unique.
F#030 RCM§1 PBsh *diatən [pro-1&2-obl] ‘to us (incl)’ > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan jatən. Note that all lects reflect palatalization.
F#031 RCM§1 PBsh *diamən [pro-1-pl-obl] ‘to us (excl)’ > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan jamən. Note that all lects reflect palatalization.
F#032 RCM§1 PBsh *dimiyu [pro-2-pl-obl] ‘to you’ > Itbayaten dimiyo, Ivasay dinyo; Imorod, Iraralay, Isamorong, Babuyan jinyo (with palatalization).
F#033 RCM§1 PBsh *dida [pro-3-pl-obl] ‘to them’ > Itbayaten, Ivasay dira, Imorod, Iraralay, Babuyan jira (with palatalization) < PNP *didá | Central Cordilleran *didá [ZDS]. Again, Isamorong jirada is unique.
F#034 RCM§1 PBsh *dida name [cm-pn-pl-obl] ‘to name’ > Itbayaten, Ivasay dira name, Imorod, Iraralay, Babuyan jira name (with palatalization).
F#035 RCM§1 PVas *niakən [pro-1-sg-obl2] ‘to me’ > Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong ñakən. No equivalent forms are recorded for Imorod and Iraralay (Yamic) as well as Babuyan.
F#036 RCM§1 PVas *nimu [pro-2-sg-obl2] to thee’ > Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong nimo. No equivalent forms are recorded for Imorod and Iraralay (Yamic) as well as Babuyan.
F#037 RCM§1 PVas *niya [pro-3-sg-obl2] to him/her’ > Itbayaten niya, Ivasay, Isamorong ña (with palatalization). No equivalent forms are recorded for Imorod and Iraralay (Yamic) as well as Babuyan.
F#038 RCM§1 PVas *niatən [pro-1&2-obl2] ‘to us (all incl)’ > Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong ñatən (with palatalization). No equivalent forms are recorded for Imorod and Iraralay (Yamic) as well as Babuyan.
F#039 RCM§1 PVas *niamən [pro-1-pl-obl2] ‘to us (excl)’ > Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong ñamən (with palatalization). No equivalent forms are recorded for Imorod and Iraralay (Yamic) as well as Babuyan.
F#040 RCM§1 PVas *nimiyu [pro-2-pl-obl2] ‘to you’ > Itbayaten nimiyo, Ivasay, Isamorong niño (with palatalization) . No equivalent forms are recorded for Imorod and Iraralay (Yamic) as well as Babuyan.
F#041 RCM§1 PVas *nida [pro-3-pl-obl2] ‘to them’ > Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong nira. No equivalent forms are recorded for Imorod and Iraralay (Yamic) as well as Babuyan.
F#042-057. Please see discussion above on deictics.
042 RCM§2 [deic-1-nom1] this
043 RCM§2 [deic-2-nom1] that
044 RCM§2 [deic-3-nom1] yon (visible)
045 RCM§2 [deic-3-nom1] yon (invisible)
046 RCM§2 [deic-1-nom2] this
047`RCM§2 [deic-2-nom2] that
048 RCM§2 [deic-3-nom2] yon (visible)
049 RCM§2 [deic-3-nom2] yon (invisible)
050 RCM§2 [deic-1-obl1] here
051 RCM§2 [deic-2-obl1] there
052 RCM§2 [deic-3-obl1] yonder (visible)
053 RCM§2 [deic-3-obl1] yonder (invisible)
054 RCM§2 [deic-1-obl2] to this
055 RCM§2 [deic-2-obl2] to that
056 RCM§2 [deic-3-obl2-visible] to yon (seen)
057 RCM§2 [deic-3-obl2-invisible] to yon (unseen)
F#058 RCM§3 [cm-cn-nom~topic] PBsh *u > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan o | possibly < PWMP *u ‘genitive particle [ACD].
F#059 RCM§3 [cm-cn-gen~actor] PBsh *nu > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan no < PAN *nu ‘genitive case marker for common nouns’ [ACD].
F#060 RCM§3 [cm-cn-obj] PBsh *su > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan so. < PAN *su ‘nominative case marker for common nouns’ [ACD].
F#061 RCM§3 [cm-cn-loc1] ‘at’ PBsh *du > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten do. < PWMP *du ‘locative case marker for common nouns’ [ACD] | Note: Aklanon do ~ ro ‘nominative case marker for common nouns’ is apparently cognate, but with an innovative function to topic or nominative case.
F#062 RCM§3 [cm-cn-loc2] at > PVas *di > Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan di < PAN *di ‘locative case marker’
F#063 RCM§3 [linker ~ ligature] > PBSh *a > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan a < PAN *a [ACD & ZDS]
F#064 RCM§4 who? [qw] > PBsh *sinuh > Itbayaten sinoh, Imorod, Iraralay, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan sino < PPH *sinu[h] ‘person whose name is unknown, avoided or cannot be remembered: who?’ [ACD & ZDS with alternate *siʔnuh]
F#065 RCM§4 what? [qw] > TRIAD: Yamic *ikuŋu (Imorod, Iraralay) ikoŋo; Itbayaten akuh; Batanic *aŋu (Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan) aŋo.
F#066 RCM§4 which? [qw] > uniques: Imorod wanja, Iraralay wanjinja | Itbayaten isyohay | Ivasay nosiiyo, Isamorong nosi:ya | Babuyan aŋo = ‘what?’
F#067 RCM§4 where at? [qw-locative] > PVas *dinuh > Itbayaten haʔdinoh, Ivasay, Babuyan dino, Isamorong jino (palatalization) | Yamic has uniques: Imorod wanja = ‘which?’ | Iraralay doajin unique. Although the etymon is identical to the following, only Imorod, Iraralay, and Itbayaten maintain some difference in formation.
F#068 RCM§4 where to? [qw-allative] > PBsh *dinuh > Itbayaten dinoh, Ivasay, Babuyan dino, Isamorong jino (palatalization) < PNP *dinuh | Kalinga dínu. [ZDS]
F#069 RCM§4 how many? [qw] > PBsh *pidah > Itbayaten pirah, Imorod, Iraralay, Ivasay pira; Isamorong, Babuyan papira (with CV-) < PAN *pijax ‘interrogative of quantity: how much? how many?’ [ACD & ZDS]
F#070 RCM§4 when: future? [qw] uniques > Imorod ci maŋo, Iraralay si maŋo, Itbayaten annoŋoh, Ivasay, Isamorong anmaaŋo | Babuyan kaaŋo (identical with the past form).
F#071 RCM§4 when: past? [qw] > PBsh *ka|aŋu > Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan kaaŋo, Imorod, Iraralay no kaŋo, Itbayaten aŋ|kaaŋo.
F#072 RCM§4 why? [qw] > DIAD: PYam *ikuŋu > Imorod, Iraralay ikoŋo | PVas *untah > Itbayaten ontah, Ivasay, Isamorong onta | Babuyan has a unique: ta aŋo [lit: because of what?].
F#073 RCM§5 now, already [dp: completive] > PBsh *dana > Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan dana, Imorod, Iraralay rana. | This is another Bashiic innovation compounded from PAN *Na ‘already’ [ACD] and PPH *da, cognates of which are found in Mansakan and Kalamianic [ZDS].
F#074 RCM§5 still, yet [dp: incompletive] > PBsh *pa > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan pa < PAN *pa ‘still, yet, til now, first (before doing s.t. else)’ [ACD & ZDS]
F#075 RCM§5 they say, it is said [dp: quote] > PBsh *kunu > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan kono < PMP *kunu ‘it is said, people say…’ [ACD & ZDS]
F#076 RCM§6 and (with nouns) [conj] > PBsh *kanu > Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong kano Imorod, Iraralay akano [prothesis], Isamorong, Babuyan kan [truncation].
F#077 RCM§6 and (with names) [conj] > PBsh *kani > Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan kani, Imorod, Iraralay akani [prothesis].
F#078 RCM§6  if [conj] DIAD > PBsh *an > Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan an | PYam *anu si > Imorod (a)no ci, Iraralay ano si.
F#079 RCM§6 because [conj] > PVas *ta > Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan ta < PNP *ta ‘because’ [ZDS]
F#080 RCM§3 [cm-cn-i-alternate set] Itbayaten only: i [nom] < PAN *i | ni [gen, not limited to personal names] < PAN *ni | si [obj] < PNP *si [not to confused with the nominative personal name marker] | di [loc] < PAN di.
F#081 enough, sufficient TYM#816 DIAD | PBsh *kanət > Imorod, Isamorong, Babuyan ma|kanət, Iraralay manət | PVas *hanawub > Itbayaten ma|hanawob, Ivasay, Babuyan manawob, Isamorong ma:naob.
F#082 many TYM #817 > PBsh *adu > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Isamorong, Babuyan aro, Ivasay aaro (with unexplained loss of *h-) < PAN *Sadu [ACD]
F#083 few TYM #818 > PBsh *pədə > Itbayaten, Ivasay pərə, Imorod, Iraralay a|pərə, Ivasay, Isamorong pa|pərə. | Babuyan də:kəy unique.
F#084 all TYM #819 DIAD > PVas *tabuh > Itbayaten tat|tavoh, Ivasay ataavo, Isamorong atavo, Babuyan tabo | PYam *lubut > Imorod, Iraralay ma|lovot | PYam *mimin > Imorod, Iraralay ma|mimin.
F#085 there is; has [existential] TYM #825 > PBsh *miyan > Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan miyan, Imorod ya mian, Iraralay amian.
F#086 none, not have [neg-existential] TYM #826 > PBsh *aʔbu > Itbayaten aʔbo, Ivasay, Isamorong abo, Imorod, Iraralay yabo.
F#087 not verbing [neg-verb] TYM #827 diad > PBsh *di > Itbayaten di, Imorod, Iraralay ji (palatalization) < PPH *diʔ [ZDS] | PBat *aba > Ivasay, Isamorong ava, Babuyan aba.
F#088 not so [neg-noun] TYM #828 TRIAD | PYam *bəkən > Imorod, Iraralay bəkən < PWMP *bəkən ‘negator of nominals’ [ACD & ZDS] | PBat *aba | Itb ah ~ alih [unique]
F#089 no! [neg-affirmative] no! TYM #830 TRIAD | PYam *bəkən > Imorod, Iraralay bəkən < PWMP *bəkən ‘negator of nominals’ [ACD & ZDS] | PVas *əŋga > Itbayaten, Isamorong, Babuyan əŋga | PBat omba > Ivasay, Isamorong omba.
F#090 yes! [affirmative] TYM #829 PBsh uwən > Itbayaten, Isamorong owən, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan oon, Iraralay noon, Imorod nohon (reanalysis) | Cf: Ilokano wən and PMP *həʔə [Zorc < ACD *həqə]
F#091 early [temp] TYM #793 TRIAD > PBsh *kayih > Itbayaten ma|kayih, Imorod kayi ~ makəykayi, Iraralay ma|kəykay. | PBat *makalu < Ivasay, Isamorong makalo | Babuyan masa:pa < Ilokano.
F#092 late [temp] TYM #794 > PBsh *haɣay > Itbayaten ma|haxay, Imorod mahay, Iraralay mahəy, Ivasay, Isamorong maahay | Babuyan nama:raw unique.
F#093 now [temp] TYM #795 DIAD | PYam *sikatoway ya > Imorod sicatoway ya, Iraralay sicatowaiya | PVas *sikaŋudi(aw) > Isamorong, Babuyan sicaŋori, Ivasay sicaŋoriaw, Itbayaten ascaŋoriawi. | Cf: PMP *udəhi ‘last; come after or behind; late, later’ [ACD]
F#094 today [temp] TYM #796 PBsh *sika-adaw > Imorod sicaraw ya, Iraralay sicarow, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babauyan sica:raw. | Note Itbayaten ascaaraw is unique.
F#095 yesterday [temp] TYM #797 PBsh *ka-kuyab > Itbayaten aŋ|kakoyab, Imorod  no kakiyab, Iraralay, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan kakoyab < PNP *kúRab ‘yesterday’ [ZDS]
F#096 tomorrow [temp] TYM #798 TRIAD PYam *[k,s]imadaw > Imorod cimaraw, Iraralay simarow | Itbayaten *an|qajaw > anʔaraw | PBat *an|də́lak > Ivasay andəəlak, Isamorong andə:lak, Babuyan dəlak ~ ancandəlak.
F#097 right [loc] TYM #767 PBsh *wanan > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan wanan < PAN *waNan ~ *wanaN [ACD]
F#098 left [loc] TYM #768 PBsh *guri > Itbayaten gori,Imorod ozi, Iraralay wozi, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan holi | Cf: PAN *wiRi, *kawiRi [ACD]| The initial consonant (*g) is justified by the Itb g-, and partially so by the Iraralay w-. This is another word that may have been under some influence by a Formosan language where *R > r. Note Paiwan viri whereas more often than not, in Paiwan *R > Ø.
F#099 inside [loc] TYM #765 PBsh *saɣad > Itbayaten saxad, Imorod, Iraralay, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan sahad. | The concept of <inside> is most closely matched by PAN *daləm as well as the monosyllabic root *ləm.
F#100 outside [loc] TYM #766 PYam *pantaw > Imorod, Iraralay pantaw | Cf: Aklanon pantaw ‘dirty kitchen – an outside space used for charcoal grilling’
F#100 outside [loc] TYM #766 DIAD PYam *agagən > Imorod, Iraralay agagən.
F#100 outside [loc] TYM #766 DIAD PVas *gágan > Itbayaten, Ivasay gaagan, Isamorong, Babuyan ga:gan.

5. BASHIIC INNOVATIONS

PBsh *abat ‘oar’ > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong avat, Babuyan abat [TYM#331] | Replaces PMP *bəRsay ‘canoe paddle’ [ACD]
PBsh *abkas ‘wave’ > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Ibatan abkas [TYM# 536] | Replaces PAN *Nabək, PMP *qalun, PWMP *humbak ‘wave’ [ACD]
PBsh DIAD *abkuɣ  ‘dry (not wet)’ | SEE: PBsh#01 [TYM#462]
PBsh *ablit ‘clavicle, collar bone’ > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten ablit, Ivasay, Isamorong abdit [TYM#055] | Replaces PAN *-wadaŋ > Itbayaten, Isamorong aridawaŋ [ACD]
PBsh *abtəs ‘bear down, exert’ > Imorod, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan abtəs ~ mamtəs [TYM#084] | Replaces PMP *qəzən ‘bearing down, pressing out, as in defecation or childbirth’ [ACD]
PBsh *adawa ‘parrotfish’ > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ibatan arawa, Isamorong agdawa [TYM#623] | Cf: PPH *mulmul ‘parrot fish: Scarus spp.’ | Cf: POC *[k]amatu ‘double-headed parrotfish’ [ACD]
PBsh *adayu ‘dophinfish, Coryphaena hippurus’ > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong arayo [TYM#615] | Replaces PMP *lajih ‘dolphinfish’ [ACD]
PBsh *adəy 'thunder'  > Imorod, Iraralay, Ivasay, Isamorong, Ibatan adəy [TYM#488] | ROOT *-dəR retained + prothesis *a- | Replaces PAN *dəRdəR, *dəRuŋ, PMP *ənduR, *ru(ŋ)guŋ [ACD]
PBsh *adlu ‘spill, pour out’ > Imorod aglo + -an (dissimilation), Itbayaten adlo + -ən, Ivasay iddo (dissimilation), Isamorong, Babuyan ado ~ padohən [TYM#218] | PMP *busbus, PWMP *tumpaq, PPH *tik(ə)bu[ʔq] 'spill, pour out' [ACD]
PBsh *adpət [prothesis] ‘hold, grasp’ > Imorod napət (truncation of the man- form), Imorod, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan manapət, Iraralay mahadpət (with <al> infix), Itbayaten, Isamorong adpət ; Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan dapət [TYM#382] | PMP *dapət ‘to place in contact with one another, come in contact, space closely’ [ACD]
PBsh *agagay ‘job's tears: Coix lachryma jobi’ > Imorod, Iraralay agəgəy (assim), Itbayaten axogay ~ axəgay (dissim), Isamorong, Babuyan agagay [TYM#129] | PMP *zəlay [ACD]
PBsh *aɣbak ~ *abɣak ‘split’ [v] > Itbayten axbak, Imorod, Iraralay abwak, Isamorong, Babuyan abhak (metathesis) [TYM#426] | ROOT *-bak | PAN *bəlaq, *bətak, *siwaq PMP *bitak, *ibak, *sapak ~ *cəp(ə)ak  PWMP *bilaq, *piqak, *pitak [ACD]
PBsh *ahnaɣa 'ginger’ > Itbayaten ahnaxa, Imorod, Iraralay, Isamorong, Babuyan anaha, Ivasay naha [TYM#134] [+ZDS] | replaces PMP *laqia [ACD] ~ *laquya [Zorc]
PBsh DIAD *akdit  ‘dry (not wet)’ | SEE: PBsh#02 above [TYM#462]
** UP TO HERE **
Bashiic *apuaw 'lungs' *** [TYM#069, ZDS] | Replaces PAN *baRaq [ACD, ZDS]
Bashiic *asnək 'shame’ | Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan asnək ~ masnək [TYM#476] | replaces PAN *Səyaq, PPH *həyáq
Bashiic*asŋən + *ma- 'near' | Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan asŋən ~ masŋən [TYM#769] | Replaces PMP *ha-dani, PWMP *hampir
Bashiic *aʔlub 'smoke' *** [TYM#196] | Replaces PAN *qasəb, *qəbəl, PMP *qasuh, *asuk.
Bashiic *aʔsad + *maŋ 'pound rice' [TYM#221 +ZDS] | Replaces PAN *bayu, PMP *dabuk, *lubuk, PWMP *la(m)buk, *ləbuk, *təbuk, PPH *qasud [ACD]
Bashiic *aʔsi 'fruit’ *** [TYM#141] | semantic shift < PAN *Səsi[ʔ] ‘flesh, meat’  [+ZDS] | Replaces PAN *buaq, PPH *búŋah ‘fruit’
PVas *badut 'abscess, boil' *** [Reid#29, TYM-NIL, +ZDS] | Replaces PAN *baRəq, PMP *bisul, PWMP *bitul, PPH *pəRsah
Bashiic *baɣəŋ 'black' *** [TYM#730 | Cf: PWMP *bələŋ ‘dark color’, Ilongot bələŋ ‘black’= PNP [ZDS] | Replaces PMP *qitəm [ACD, ZDS]
Bashiic *batah + -ən  'say, tell' *** [TYM#247] [+ZDS] | Cf: PWMP *kuan, PPH *suysuy ‘say’ [ACD]
Bashiic *bayah + *ma- 'red' *** [TYM#725] [semantic shift] < PAN *baRah 'ember, glowing coal' | Cf: PAN-F *taNah, PMP *pula[ʔh], *rara, *ma-iRaq [ROOT *-Raq], PWMP *dəRaŋ ‘red’ [ACD]
Bashiic *bibih 'mouth' *** [TYM#026] semantic shift < PMP *bibiR ‘lower lip’ < PAN *biRbiR ‘lip’ [ACD]
Bashiic *binəbəl 'banana' [TYM#144] > Imorod, Iraralay vinəvəh, Itbayaten vinivəx (assim), Ivasay viñəvəh ~ vañivəh (dissim), Isamorong viñovəh (dissim), Babuyan binibəh (assim) [Yang *binibəl, Blench 2005:7, Tsuchida 1987:174, ZDS] | Formosan loan or influence: PAN-F *bəNbəN ‘banana: Musa sapientum L.’ [Shibata p.c. 2022.10.24, ACD]
Bashiic *bubun + *i- 'bury' *** [TYM#245] [+ZDS] | Replaces PAN *ləbəŋ ‘bury’, *CaNəm ‘grave; to bury’
Bashiic *buhit 'blow' [TYM#040] > Imorod avyot ~ mamyot, Iraralay viyot + na--an, Itbayaten vohit ~ vyotan [Yamada 2002:284], Ivasay viot + om-| Replaces PAN *Səyup ‘blowing on (a fire, etc.)’
Bashiic *bulək 'belly'  *** [TYM#071] [+ZDS] | Replaces PAN *tiaN, PWMP *bətəŋ ‘abdomen, belly’.
Bashiic *dalmət 'heavy' *** [TYM#753] [+ZDS] | Replaces PMP *bəRʔat
Bashiic *dukməɣ ‘cold (as water)’ *** [TYM#512]+ *ma- | Replaces PAN *ramig, PMP *diŋdiŋ, *diŋin [ACD]
Bashiic *dukup 'rotten'  *** [TYM#187] | Replaces PAN *buRuk, *baŋʔəR, PMP *busuk, PPH *buyúk ‘rotten’ [ACD].
Bashiic *duʔtuŋ 'cook' *** [TYM#164] | Replaces PAN *Nasu, *nasuk, *taNək, PMP *zakan, PWMP *lutuq [ACD].
Bashiic *hawán 'year'  *** [TYM#799] < semantic shift PWMP *hawan ‘atmosphere, space between earth and sky’ [ACD]; PPH *háwan 'open expanse, clearing' [Zorc] | Replaces PMP *taqun, PPH *dagʔun [ACD, ZDS]
Bashiic *hayam 'walk' *** [TYM#309] | Replaces PAN *paNaw, PAN *rakat ~ lakat ‘walk’, PPH *lákad < PMP *lakaj ‘stride, take a step’ [ACD]
Bashiic *hilid 'narrow' *** [TYM#777  & Gallego #178 +ZDS] | Replaces PAN *kipit, PMP *kiput ‘narrow’, ROOT *-pit [ACD]
Bashiic *hiŋən 'painful; sick' *** | Replaces PMP *sakit [ACD]
Bashiic *kadam 'rat' *** [+ZDS] | Replaces: PAN *labaw, PMP *balabaw ‘rat’ [ACD]
Bashiic *kadkad + -ən 'scratch ***' [+ZDS] | Replaces: PAN *guCguC, *gusgus, *guris, *kaRaw, kəskəs, PMP *garus, karis, PWMP *kamas | Cf: PPH *kadkad ‘dig a hole’ [ACD]
Bashiic *kaɣa[ʔ] + *ma- 'weak' *** [ZDS] | Replaces: PAN *lutay, PWMP *ləməq, *luyah, PPH *kápuy, *lutuy [ACD]
Bashiic *kamáw + *CV- 'spider'  *** [+ZDS] | Replaces: PAN *lawaq, PWMP *kawa ‘spider(web)’ [ACD]
Bashiic *kanu 'and' [for joining common nouns] *** | Bashiic also has 'and' [for joining names] | Replaces: PAN *ka, *maS, *Na, PMP *agu, *mai
Bashiic *karaŋaŋan ~*kalaŋaŋán 'chest (of body)' *** [ZDS] | Replaces: PAN *DaSdaS, *dəbdəb [ACD]
Bashiic *kəlnət + *ma- 'hard (substance)' *** [ZDS] | Replaces: PMP *təRas, *kəRas [ACD], PPH *tiRʔa [ZDS]
Bashiic	*kətkət
Bashiic *kidiŋ 'word' *** [ZDS] | Replaces PAN *kaRi, PMP *sahu[ʔq] [ACD, ZDS]
Bashiic *kikimit 'eyelashes' *** [ZDS] | Replaces: PWMP *qizəp, PPH *pidək
Bashiic *kuɣát + *ma- 'hot' *** [+ZDS] | Replaces PWMP *qinit
Bashiic *kuray 'dry' *** | PAN *kəRaŋ, PMP *maja, *Raŋu, *təgaŋ, PWMP *əgaŋ, *kaRiŋ, *kəlaŋ, *Raŋkay [ACD]
Bashiic *kurih ***
Bashiic *kulít ***
Bashiic *kurmit ***
Bashiic *kumbuar 'boil (water)' [+ZDS] | PAN *gurgur, *nasuk, *Nasu, *taNək, PMP *bukbuk, *diqdiq, *luab, PPH *subu [ACD]
Bashiic *kuyis ‘pig’ | Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten koyis. | Contrast: Batanic *bagu. DIAD
Bashiic *lə́kəy + *[h]a- > Imorod, Iraralay alikəy, Itbayaten aləkəy, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan də:kəy 'small' (in size; NOT amount) [+ZDS] | Yang *likəy | PMP *iut, PWMP *isut, PPH *intək
Bashiic *ləta[ʔ] + *ma- ~ *na- > Imorod məhta, Itbayaten maxtaʔ ~ naxtaʔ, Ivasay, Babuyan nahtáʔ 'rotten' [Gallego, ZDS] | Not connected to PAN *buRuk, *baŋʔəR, PMP *busuk, PWMP *Rapuq, PPH *buyúk, *tag(ə)bak
Bashiic *liman + *-ən ‘kill’ > *** | Replaces PAN *paCay, *maCay, PMP *bunuq ‘kill’ [ACD]
Bashiic *liman + *maR- ‘fight’ > Imorod, Iraralay mililiman, Itbayaten limanən, Ivasay, Isamorong macidiman, Babuyan maydiman
Bashiic *muhdan 'nose' *** [+ZDS] | Replaces PAN *ujuŋ, PMP *[q]ijuŋ, PWMP *aʔjuŋ [Zorc], *ə(ŋ)juŋ [ACD]
Bashiic *mutdəɣ ‘child’ *** | Replaces: PAN *aNak [ACD], PWMP *uŋaʔ [Zorc], *uŋaq [ACD], PPH *ʔəŋaʔ [ZDS]
Bashiic *nakəm 'think' *** | Replaces PAN *nəmnəm, ROOT *-dəm, *-nəm, PWMP *qituŋ, PPH *hənaʔ [Zorc], *hənaq [ACD]
Bashiic *naynid + *ha- 'short (object) | Replaces: PMP *pandak [ACD], PPH *ha-babáq [ZDS]
Bashiic *ninih 'earthquake' *** [ZDS] | Replaces PAN *linuR, PWMP *lindu[Rr], PPH *Riduq [ACD]
Bashiic *pahad + mak(a)- ‘bitter’ *** [ZDS] | Replaces PAN *paqiC, PMP *apələd, PWMP *pələt
Bashiic *pinuspus 'rope' ** [ZDS] | Replaces PAN *CaliS | Cf: PWMP *puspus ‘to beat, thrash’, which may be based on the way rope is made by beating the strands.
Bashiic *ragaw ‘neck’ > Imorod, Iraralay zagaw, Itbayaten ragaw, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan lagaw | Replaces PAN *liqəR [ACD, ZDS]
Bashiic *ragpit ***
Bashiic *ralət + ma- *** | Reshaping of PMP *zaqat, PWMP *zaqət [ACD] -- the intervocalic *l is unexplained.
Vasayic *rapus ‘dirty’ > Itbayaten rapos + ma-, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan lapos + ma- 'dirty'. | See PBash *rulit ‘dirty’ and the note thereat.
Bashiic *rulit ‘dirty’ > Imorod lolit + ma-, Ivasay, Isamorong rodit + ma-. | Early etyma not securely established. PMP *luməŋ, *luməs in the ACD have no Philippine cognates. Nevertheless, no cognate of this particular etymon has thus far appeared outside of the Bashiic area. See also: Vasayic *rapus ‘dirty’
Bashiic *salad 'in(side)' | Replaces PAN *daləm, PMP *ləm, PPH *luʔúb [ZDS], *luqúb [ACD]
Bashiic *sarawsaw 'wind' *** | Replaces PAN *bali, PMP *haŋin
Bashiic *sayap + *<um> 'fly' > Imorod, Iraralay somalap, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan somayap [ZDS] | Replaces: PAN *layap, PMP *Rəbək, PWMP *layaŋ, PPH *ləpád
Bashiic *siŋkad 'know (person)' [ZDS] | Replaces PAN *kilala [ACD, ZDS]
Bashiic *suləd 'turn, revolve' [+ZDS] | Replaces PMP *biluk, *kiluʔ [Zorc], *putaR, PWMP *putəg [ACD]
Bashiic *suŋit + *-ən 'bite' | Replaces PAN *kaRaC, PMP *a(ŋ)kit, PWMP *i(ŋ)kit, ROOT *-kit
Bashiic *tabuh 'all' | Replaces PAN *amin, PPH *tanán
Bashiic *talam < Formosan
Bashiic *tarinəŋ 'straight' [ZDS] | Replaces PWMP *tuqlid [ACD, ZDS], PPH *taldəŋ [ZDS]
Bashiic *tamək 'grass' | Replaces: PAN *udu, PMP *dukut ~ *zukut, PWMP *rikut [ACD], PPH *duʔut ~ *ruʔut [ZDS]
Bashiic *tamunəŋ 'mosquito’ | Replaces PAN-F *likəS, PMP *ñamuk ~ *lamuk [ACD]; PNP *ʔilək | Note PSP tagənək [ZDS]
Bashiic *tatakad 'sole' [ZDS] | Replaces: PAN *dapaN, PWMP *tapak, PPH *dalukap [ACD]
Bashiic *tawur 'heart' [ZDS] | Replaces PMP *pusuq, PMP *pusuŋ
Bashiic *taʔnək 'stand' [+ZDS] | Replaces PAN *diRi, PMP *kəzəŋ, PMP *tuquD, *ti(n)zəg, ROOT *-dəR, *-zəg
Bashiic *timuy ‘rain’| semantic shift < PAN *timuR 'south or east wind' [ACD] | Replaces PAN *quzan
Bashiic *tukpul  'thick' | Replaces PAN *kaS(ə)pal, PWMP *kapal, PPH *kəpal [ACD]
Bashiic *tumid 'chin' > Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan tomid [+ZDS] | Reshaping of PAN *timij, PMP *timid | Cf: PWMP *tumid 'heel']
Bashiic|sem	*ubuŋ + *ma- 'wide' | PAN *lawa, PMP *labəR, PWMP *ruqag [ACD]
Bashiic *u-udi-hay ‘that’ [deic-3-nom] [ZDS] | Cf: PMP *-di [deic-3]
Bashiic *uya [deic-1-nom] > Imorod, Iraralay, Babuyan oya | Replaces PAN *-ni (*ini, *qani, *yani ~ *iani
Bashiic *wakaR 'yam' [+ZDS] |  semantic shift of PMP *wakaR ‘root’ [ACD]
Bashiic *yulama 'yellow' | Replaces PMP *kunij ‘turmeric: Curcuma longa; yellow’, PPH *diláw, *dulaw [ACD, ZDS]

Bashiic | 7b-Vasayic *akbwár < *akbwal | *kumbuar | ZDS
Bashiic *bulay 'snake'| Formosan loan or influence:  PAN-F *buNay (Shibata p.c. 2022.10.24) | Replaces PAN *SulaR, PMP *nipay, PPH *idau ‘snake’
Bashiic < Formosan *tañud ‘mulberry’
Bashiic *taripis 'thin'' [+ZDS] | Replaces PAN *[h]iŋpis, PAN *Nipis [ACD, ZDS]

6. INTERNAL SUBGROUPING
The are three major subdivisions which become apparent after considerable consideration of the lexicon and functors among all the Bashiic lects.
6.1. YAMIC (TAWIC)
  Yamic has clearly gone its own way and established itself as a Malayo-Polynesian microgroup within the Bashiic macrogroup. The six various Tao or Dawu, lects are Imorod, Iraralay, Ivalino, Iranumilek, Iratay, and Yayo [See <Orchid_Island-language-locations.jpeg>.] There are no known studies outlining the differences among them all, but they are clearly part of a single, mutually-intelligible linguistic community.
7a-Yamic	*ab(i)yas ***
7a-Yamic	*agəsal ***
7a-Yamic	*akra ***
7a-Yamic	*alipasaláw ***
7a-Yamic	*amumubu ***
7a-Yamic	*anulud ***
7a-Yamic	*aŋki ***
7a-Yamic	*asa pulu ***
7a-Yamic	*atbaŋ ***
7a-Yamic	*baki ***
7a-Yamic	*bəbəl ***
7a-Yamic	*bərəd ***
7a-Yamic	*bərərəŋ ***
7a-Yamic	*bihaR + m ***aŋ-
7a-Yamic	*bilaŋ ***
7a-Yamic	*busbusa ***n
Yamic *dadakəl | Imorod, Iraralay rarakəh | Contrast: Vasayic *arkəm.
7a-Yamic	*dia 'not' + {expensive} ***
7a-Yamic	*dukaw (?)***
7a-Yamic	*gadaw ***
7a-Yamic	*ikuŋu *** ***
7a-Yamic	*iŋit
7a-Yamic	*iway ***
7a-Yamic	*k<al>upkup ***
7a-Yamic	*kabtukan ***
7a-Yamic	*kadayi ***
7a-Yamic	*kalaŋlaŋan ***
7a-Yamic	*kalwalwaki |  ***DIAD
7a-Yamic	*karapar
7a-Yamic	*karay | TRIAD
7a-Yamic	*kawsuŋ
7a-Yamic	*kəylilaŋ | TRIAD
7a-Yamic	*kibur
7a-Yamic	*kinalab
7a-Yamic	*kinalulut
7a-Yamic	*kiŋəl
7a-Yamic	*kulkul
7a-Yamic	*kura | DIAD
7a-Yamic	*labi
7a-Yamic	*lalas
7a-Yamic	*lima
7a-Yamic	*lipədəs + i-
7a-Yamic	*lita
7a-Yamic	*lugtu
7a-Yamic	*lunag
7a-Yamic	*mabalakigad
7a-Yamic	*mabkik
7a-Yamic	*mata nu laŋit 
7a-Yamic	*mənəŋ
7a-Yamic	*miwanay
7a-Yamic	*miyasasayap
7a-Yamic	*mugis
7a-Yamic	*naŋidaŋ
7a-Yamic	*nuyuŋ
7a-Yamic	*ŋina 
7a-Yamic	*ŋuŋuy | DIAD
7a-Yamic	*padəŋ
7a-Yamic	*pagpag
7a-Yamic	*palapalad nu anitu
7a-Yamic	*pantaw
7a-Yamic	*pararuway
7a-Yamic	*punay | TRIAD
7a-Yamic	*raŋkap
7a-Yamic	*ratəb
7a-Yamic	*riri
7a-Yamic	*riyud
7a-Yamic	*rum(i)yak
7a-Yamic	*rurugwan
7a-Yamic	*sabilak
7a-Yamic	*saraŋ
7a-Yamic	*sika-tuwa
7a-Yamic	*siŋat + *ma-
7a-Yamic	*siplaŋ
7a-Yamic	*taki 'excretion'
7a-Yamic	*talalasu
7a-Yamic	*təɣəd
7a-Yamic	*tələh + *ma-
7a-Yamic	*tənəŋ + *ma-
7a-Yamic	*təyray
7a-Yamic	*tudatud | TRIAD
7a-Yamic	*tuki
7a-Yamic	*tukurus
7a-Yamic	*ubut
7a-Yamic	*wandia
7a-Yamic	*yaləy + *man-
7a-Yamic	*yuwyaw
7a-Yamic	*yuwyaw
7a-Yamic	†kagliŋ | DIAD
7a-Yamic	agsa = deer | TRIAD
7a-Yamic | DIAD	*tura-tura

6.2 VASAYIC

7b-Vasayic	*abɣəs
7b-Vasayic	*abid
7b-Vasayic	*abtə́k
7b-Vasayic	*aɣa
Vasayic *aɣbək 'dust' > Itbayaten axbək, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan ahbək | Replaces PMP *apuk, *əbuk, *Rabuk, PWMP *qabug
7b-Vasayic	*agsil
7b-Vasayic	*aɣsuŋ
7b-Vasayic	*ahnabakan
7b-Vasayic	*ahnaw
7b-Vasayic	*akahak
7b-Vasayic	*akmá[y]
7b-Vasayic	*aknin
7b-Vasayic	*akŋay
7b-Vasayic	*alisuɣəd
7b-Vasayic	*alulúg
Vasayic *an 'if' [conj] | Itbayaten, Isamorong, Babuyan an | Replaces PAN *ka, PMP *ba, *baraŋ, PWMP *əmun
7b-Vasayic	*antihá[w,y]
7b-Vasayic	*aŋdət
7b-Vasayic	*aŋsaɣ
7b-Vasayic	*apsu
7b-Vasayic	*apuɣə́n
Vasayic *arkəm + *m- 'old (person)' [+ZDS] | Replaces PAN *tuqaS, *Rudaŋ | Cf: Yamic *dadakəl
7b-Vasayic	*asləp
7b-Vasayic	*aspət
7b-Vasayic	*awdíʔ
7b-Vasayic	*aʔməd | INV
7b-Vasayic	*barbar
7b-Vasayic	*bilaw
7b-Vasayic	*bilin
7b-Vasayic	*biña[s]
7b-Vasayic	*bituØən
7b-Vasayic	*budis
7b-Vasayic	*butiləŋ
7b-Vasayic	*buyabuy
7b-Vasayic	*buyas +  -an
7b-Vasayic	*buyuk + *ma-
7b-Vasayic	*bwaŋ
7b-Vasayic	*dadáh > *rará
7b-Vasayic	*daɣə́t + *ma-
7b-Vasayic	*dakanə́n
7b-Vasayic	*dakay
7b-Vasayic	*dakul + ka--an
7b-Vasayic	*daliʔsən
7b-Vasayic	*damna
7b-Vasayic	*dapan
7b-Vasayic	*dawrí
7b-Vasayic	*dawut
7b-Vasayic	*dimna
7b-Vasayic	*diridid
7b-Vasayic	*duŋuh
7b-Vasayic	*ga:gan
7b-Vasayic	*ganít
7b-Vasayic	*garaga[d]
7b-Vasayic	*ɣatuk
7b-Vasayic	*ɣəsɣəs
7b-Vasayic	*ɣubuk
7b-Vasayic	*ɣumis
7b-Vasayic	*ɣumis + *maŋ-
7b-Vasayic	*haɣbu
7b-Vasayic	*ha-naub ~ *ma-naub
Vasayic *haʔmu 'fear' | PPH *haʔmuʔ 'tame, docile, mild-mannered' [PPH *haq(ə)muq [ACD] | Replaces PAN *takut ‘fear’ [ACD]
7b-Vasayic	*ika-duhá
7b-Vasayic	*ika-tatlu
7b-Vasayic	*imət
7b-Vasayic	*iŋgaʔ
7b-Vasayic	*ipət | DIAD
Vasayic *iya [deic-1-nom] > Itbayten, Ivasay, Babuyan iya | Replaces PAN *-ni (*ini, *qani, *yani ~ *iani
7b-Vasayic	*k<um>ráb | *kumláb
7b-Vasayic	*kadpilan
7b-Vasayic	*kaɣadipan nu bibih
7b-Vasayic	*kaɣəpkəp
7b-Vasayic	*kakubut
7b-Vasayic	*kaminaw
7b-Vasayic	*kanimú pa
7b-Vasayic	*kasidúŋ
7b-Vasayic	*katayuɣ
7b-Vasayic	*katiŋlan
7b-Vasayic	*kudilat
7b-Vasayic	*kudkúd + *-an
7b-Vasayic	*kuliba:baŋ
7b-Vasayic	*kulút
Vasayic *kutəŋ + *ma-  'deaf' [+ZDS] | Replaces PAN *Culi, PMP *bəŋəl, PWMP *buŋul, PPH *tuləŋ [ACD]
7b-Vasayic	*lakaw
Vasayic *laŋuy ‘face’ > Itbayaten laŋoy, Ivasay, Isamorong daŋoy
7b-Vasayic	*lilíw
7b-Vasayic	*liŋat
7b-Vasayic	*liyud
7b-Vasayic	*lunus
7b-Vasayic	*lusəb
7b-Vasayic	*máduɣuʔ
7b-Vasayic	*manú:maʔ
7b-Vasayic	*maspə́t
7b-Vasayic	*maunaunas
7b-Vasayic	*mayanuŋ
7b-Vasayic	*muɣa-muɣá
7b-Vasayic	*muyug
7b-Vasayic	*nararayáw
7b-Vasayic	*nasbáŋ
7b-Vasayic	*nisnis
7b-Vasayic	*nulə́k + *ma-
7b-Vasayic	*nuynuy
7b-Vasayic	*padín | parín
7b-Vasayic	*padiŋ
7b-Vasayic	*pagad ‘carabao’ Gallego #401
7b-Vasayic	*paɣut | TRIAD
7b-Vasayic	*pantáw
7b-Vasayic	*paŋáʔ
7b-Vasayic	*pasú
7b-Vasayic	*pasu < PPH
7b-Vasayic	*payás + *ma-
7b-Vasayic	*pidit
7b-Vasayic	*piis
7b-Vasayic	*pitus
7b-Vasayic	*piʔsa
7b-Vasayic	*pusak | DIAD
7b-Vasayic	*putut
7b-Vasayic	*ragi
7b-Vasayic	*rawuŋ
7b-Vasayic	*ruku
7b-Vasayic	*sa:riyu
7b-Vasayic	*sagap
7b-Vasayic	*samna
7b-Vasayic	*samuɣ
7b-Vasayic	*səɣdáŋ + *ma-
7b-Vasayic	*siknan
7b-Vasayic	*simna
7b-Vasayic	*simuk
7b-Vasayic	*siwar
7b-Vasayic	*siwsíw
7b-Vasayic	*sulib + *ma-
7b-Vasayic	*suntu
7b-Vasayic	*sunuŋ
7b-Vasayic	*suríh
7b-Vasayic	*tá:li
7b-Vasayic	*tábuh + CV-
Vasayic *tadək 'other; different' | Replaces PAN *ibaS, PAN *duma[h] [ACD], PWMP *laʔin [ZDS]
7b-Vasayic	*tatiyay
7b-Vasayic	*tudu[h]
7b-Vasayic	*tuha
7b-Vasayic	*tulak
Vasayic *tuɣús 'above, upward'  > Itbayaten toxós, Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan tohós | Replaces PAN *i-aCas, PAN *i-babaw, PPH *itaʔás | Note Bashiic preserves the doublet PNP *ŋatu [ACD, but reconstructed as PPH]
7b-Vasayic	*tulyaŋ
7b-Vasayic	*tunaw
7b-Vasayic	*tunə́ŋ + *ma-
7b-Vasayic	*tuŋdu
7b-Vasayic	*tuŋəɣ
7b-Vasayic	*tuwád
7b-Vasayic	*ú:taŋ
7b-Vasayic	*udiñ
7b-Vasayic	*untah
Vasayic *upis 'urine' {female} [+ZDS] | Replaces PAN *iSəq ~ *iSiq, PAN *sibu, PNP *isbu | Cf: PWMP *upis ‘husk, bark’ [ACD] | Cf: PAN *səbu ‘bladder’ [ACD] | Contrast: *pətəg ‘urine’ {male}
7b-Vasayic	*utap
7b-Vasayic	*uyug
7b-Vasayic	*yaŋá
7b-Vasayic	*yukay
7b-Vasayic	†kaddiŋ | DIAD
7b-Vasayic	saʔlib
7b-Vasayic (metathesis)	*baɣusáʔ

6.3. BATANIC

7c-Batanic	*aŋu
7c-Batanic	*apus
7c-Batanic	*asday
7c-Batanic	*ayway
Batanic *bagu ‘pig’ | Ivasay, Isamorong, Babuyan bago. | Contrast: Bashiic *kuyis.
Batanic *bili ‘come back to, return home [v]’ | Replaces PMP *uliq ‘return’ > PPH *ʔulíq ‘return home’ vs. PPH *ʔ úliq ‘return s.t.; restore; repeat’
7c-Batanic	*bindug
7c-Batanic	*duyun | TRIAD
7c-Batanic	*ɣapñit
7c-Batanic	*gəgət | TRIAD
7c-Batanic	*gugúʔ (voicing)
7c-Batanic	*gumtos ~ *agtus
7c-Batanic	*kibút
7c-Batanic	*lakat
7c-Batanic	*lalay
7c-Batanic	*latək
Batanic *lisnaʔ  ‘sit’| TRIAD | | PAN *ikud, PMP *iŋkud, PWMP *dukduk, *tujaw [ACD]
7c-Batanic	*lugi
7c-Batanic	*lúky
7c-Batanic	*luta
7c-Batanic	*manumanuk
7c-Batanic	*mawaʔwáʔ
7c-Batanic	*muhəd
7c-Batanic	*nusiiy[a,u]
7c-Batanic	*palaŋ
7c-Batanic	*pa-pidah
7c-Batanic	*patawus
7c-Batanic	*pətə́g
7c-Batanic	*pilin
7c-Batanic	*pitpit
7c-Batanic	*raɣawa
7c-Batanic	*raɣmə́t
7c-Batanic	*sadiŋ
7c-Batanic	*sika-ŋudi
Batanic *tahaw 'sea' | semantic shift PAN *CaSaw ‘open-air; outdoors’ | Replaces PAN *lahud, PAN-F *tənəm, PMP *tasik, PMP *daRat tamək
7c-Batanic	*tanudu
7c-Batanic	*ubə́t
7c-Batanic	*ulipat
7c-Batanic	*umba
7c-Batanic	*utap
7c-Batanic	*wakwak
7c-Batanic	*yəŋdəs + *ma-
7c-Batanic	*yəʔtəŋ
7c-Batanic 	*butul
7c-Batanic 	*ikan
7c-Batanic 	*laylay
7c-Batanic 	*nikit
7c-Batanic 	*wadíʔ + *ma-

8. CRITIQUE AND CORRELATION WITH PREVIOUS PUBLICATIONS
Scheerer (1908) investigated 114 lexical items shared among Ivatan and other Philippine languages. He correctly assailed proposals that these were “Malay” or “Indonesian” languages, and rightfully concluded that they were typologically “Philippine”. He tried to extrapolate realistic phonological renditions for Ivatan from an array of orthographic representations. In the end, he correctly isolated 23 innovations that represented “unique” items within the Philippine context, and clearly saw a preponderance of relationships with other Philippine languages which were mutually inherited, such as *laŋit ‘sky’, *bulan ‘moon’, *butuqən ‘star’, *kilat ‘lightning’, *tanaq ‘earth’, *anak ‘child’, *ama ‘father’, etc.
Dempwolff (1926) investigated 68 lexical items of Ivatan to demonstrate several standard reflexes of UAN (his PAN, but more likely PMP) phonemes. Besides the somewhat unusual shift of *R > y, he noted that among his examples, Ivatan l appeared to be the one and only reflex of PMP *r (his *ḷ), thus causing him to consider it a test language for the reconstruction of this phoneme.
Moriguchi (1983) presents an authoritative survey of each of these Vasayic languages, including the history of studies on them, the terrain, their differences from one another, and the variation in their reflexes of PAN phonemes. He subgroups them on the basis of seven types of innovations in phonological shifts. These included, among several others, the shift of PAN *R to Bashiic /y/, except the sequence of *aRa > Yamic /ala/, the palatalization of *k before or after *i to /č/ and of *ŋ > /ñ/, the reflex of PAN *d or *z as /r/, and of PAN *b as /v/, the reflexes of PAN *l as <x> = [ɣ] in Itbayaten, /h/ in Ivasay, Isamorong and Babuyan, but Yami /ʕ/ (a voiced pharyngeal fricative or stop). He concludes “The diagram of a tentative subgrouping of the Vasayic language group is as follows:
Fig. 6
                                                _______________       Yami
                                    ______________________      Babuyan
                                                           ___________     Isamorong
Proto Vasayic   ____________________________         Vasay
                          ____   Itbayat
Subgrouping on the basis of phonological innovations may have worked within the Indo-European field, but has not fared as well in the Philippines. Charles (1974) outlined the fact that Philippine subgrouping relied more on retentions than innovations, such that Charles gave up on his pursuit of a Ph.D. Zorc (1977) concluded that the subgrouping of Bisayan relied on a combination of lexical and functor evidence as well as shared innovations, but phonological shifts only made some sense after the fact, and it was not until decades later that the merger of PMP *d and *z as either /r/, /l/, or zero (loss) was attributed to an axis relationship (Baran 2022 based upon Zorc 2021).
Blust (1991:77-78), while discussing “The Greater Central Philippine Hypothesis”, had this to say about Bashiic:
This is a close-knit, highly discrete, completely noncontroversial group which includes Yami of Botel Tobago Island (Taiwan), Itbayaten and Ivatan of the extreme northern Philippines. The name is adopted from Reid (p.c.), who derives it from the Bashi Channel between the Batanes Islands and Taiwan. Tsuchida et al. (1987) prefer the name "Batanic," and record several additional dialects.
TH62 and D65 consider only Ivatan, but the former recognize it as one of four coordinate branches of their Philippine Superstock, and the latter as one of 11 coordinate branches of his Philippine Hesion. All subsequent writers recognize Bashiic as a highly discrete group, although W79 and McF80 do not consider Yami. Z86 suggests that Bashiic may group with Sambalic, Kapampangan, and North Mangyan (Mindoro) as one of two primary branches of "Northern Philippines" (the member languages sharing the merger of PAN *R and *y), but McF80 rejects this view. The major source of lexical material is Yamada (1976) for Itbayaten, and Tsuchida et al. (1987) for the other languages.
ABBREVIATIONS:
D65 = Dyen (1965)
LM76 = Llamzon and Martin (1976)
McF80 = McFarland (1980)
R81 = Reid – personal communication from Reid cited in Zorc (1986)
R82 = Reid (1982)
TH62 = Thomas and Healey (1962)
W79 = Walton (1979)
Z74 = Zorc (1974)
Z77 = Zorc (1977)
Z86 = Zorc (1986)
Li (2000): “Of all Yami, dialects, Iraralay is the most conservative in sharing more cognates and their forms with Itbayat or other Batanic languages.” Our scores from the Swadesh 100, the Zorc 100, and Functor 100 do not support this. By each method, Imorod has a slightly higher number. He also pointed out the “inverse relationship” between his phonological realizations for Yami as opposed to TYM.
Li (2000)	/r/	/z/	/R/
TYM (1987)	/z/	/r/	/h/
Phonetics	trill	retroflex fricative	uvular fricative
Yang (2002) reconstructs 702 etyma for Proto-Batanic derived from TYM; 150 entries were left blank. Unfortunately, she ignored their “Restricted Class Morphemes,” so her study was strictly based on lexical evidence. She set up as a “straw dog” an estimated subgrouping of Bashiic by Zorc (1977:34 -- which was primarily a survey of Bisayan and Central Philippine languages) and was certainly never anything more than “judgment by inspection” (Dyen 1953). She splits the Bashiic phoneme /y/ into two proto-phonemes: *y and *R, which does not always align with evidence for PAN *R versus *y:
R correct *baRah ‘red’ < PAN *baRah ‘embers’.
R correct *daRa ‘blood’ < PAN *daRaq
R correct *hinmaRa ‘embers’ < PAN *baRah ‘embers’ + *hiŋ-
R correct *kaRaŋ ‘crab’ < PMP *kaRaŋ < PAN *gaRaŋ ‘small edible freshwater crab’
R correct*kaRaw ‘tick on chicken’ < PWMP *kaRaw
R correct *naRa ‘wait’ < PAN *naRa.
R correct *Rayoh ‘run’ < PAN *laRiw.
R in error *balaRaŋ ‘iron’ < PBsh *baɣaʔyaŋ.
y in error *haRam ‘walk’ < PBsh *hayam.
y in error *kamaRa ‘plant: Diospyros discolor < PAN *kamaya.
y in error *kaRat ‘climb’ < PPH *kayat
y in error *kawaRan ‘bamboo sp’ < PAN *kawayan.
y in error *RaRam ‘toy’ < PWMP *qayam ‘to play; plaything, toy; pet’
y in error *saRap ‘fly’ |=> PWMP *sayap ‘wing’
y in error *taRa ‘boat’ < PBsh *tataya
Ross (2005) has been undone by the author himself (Ross 2020:366) “Fifteen years on, would I write something like Ross (2005) now? I would not. The new evidence strengthens the case for a Philippine grouping of some kind with Batanic as somewhat peripheral member subgroup...”. He had set out to answer two questions “what is known of [Batanic] relationships to other Austronesian groups?” and “what is the closest relative within Taiwan?” but concluded on several solid grounds that no answer was possible. He summarized all of the appropriate literature, and he named all of the recognized lects, and even cites a lexicostatistical score of 87% between Ivatan and Itbayat (from Hidalgo 1996:22, who provided no information on what list was used -- this matches our results from the Swadesh 100 and the Zorc 100 with Itb scores ranging from 80% – 86%). He concluded that these lects are not far beyond the language limit from each other and established that they are Malayo-Polynesian, perhaps the very first branch. He proposed two possible histories: (1) “the more or less immediate ancestors of PMP speakers migrated out of Taiwan (around 4000 BC) to one or more of the islands where Batanic languages are now spoken.” (2) “PMP diversified into various speech communities in northern Luzon. At some later date, members of one of these communities migrated north into the Batanes, and their speech became the ancestor of Proto Batanic.” |=> Our study hopefully demonstrates that History 2 is the more probable one. While an exceptionally scholarly contribution to the field, his paper was short on specific Bashiic data. But the innovations described throughout our paper may indicate that something of his History 1 accounts for a substratum of an earlier language that persisted into that of the immigrating Y Group.
Gallego (2014) is clearly the best overview of the Bashiic group as a whole. Hers is the only study with an independently developed 425 word list (which added 78 words not found in TYM) and the only one [besides Moriguchi (1983) which has been tragically ignored] to have considered accent in terms of vowel length. She also correctly identified the need to reconstruct for Proto-Bashiic *ɣ instead of PPH or PAN *l. The only infelicity was the appearance of 13 duplicates, which does not detract from the value of her study, her reasoning, and her conclusions. Given that Zorc once proposed a PPH *gadapún ‘water jar’ (from Spanish garrafón), she can be forgiven for positing PBsh *piku ‘axe’ (from Spanish pico ‘pick axe’)
Blench (2015) comes to three compelling conclusions:
a) “The Batanes, Lanyu and Green Islands were probably settled from Taiwan as much as 4000 years ago, but the identity of those populations is unknown.” | => We agree, the archeology establishes artifacts for at least 4 millenia, but the linguistic evidence (lower order of diversity) indicates a far more recent intrusion.
b) “They may have practised some form of agriculture, to judge by the idiosyncrtic vocabulary for crops.” |=> Agreed. The land is not favorable to rice agriculture, so the multiple terms for rice so prevalent throughout the Philippines [*pajay ‘rice plant’, *bəRás ‘husked rice’, *Səmay ‘cooked rice’, *muhmuh ‘rice crumbs’, *zaRami ‘rice straw’] are not in evidence. The one cognate in Bashiic [paray] seems to have become a {generic} term for ‘rice’. Subsistence moved to yams and other root crops.
c) “They were probably replaced by an expanding population from (perhaps) Luzon in the last millennium, although some words are retained as substrate lexicon in modern languages.” |=> The linguistic evidence indicates a more recent superstratum of NPh, and specifically Y-Group migrants. But a huge number of original innovations must have been retained in a substratum among all of these lects.
We hope that the use of former names of the subgroup as a whole will not cause too much confusion. Dyen’s Bashiic appears to be the most appropriate for the macrogroup. Moriguchi’s Vasayic now covers Itbayaten and Batanic rather than the entire macrogroup. Most other scholars’ Batanic is more or less demoted to just the Ivatan and Ibatan lects which clearly shared a number of innovations and are a legitimate subgroup.

7. EXTERNAL RELATIONSHIPS
Just like Dunne’s famous phrase “No man is an island”, the same can be said of any language. Throughout time, migration, conquest, trade, bilingualism and multilingualism have introduced loanwords, calques, and adaptations into any language. The inhabitants of the Bashii Channel have looked back to Formosa and down into Luzon throughout some five millenia. So it should come as no surprise that these languages show influence from several directions and various languages.
7.1. “The “Y-GROUP” of Philippine Languages.
There is growing evidence linking Bashiic with other Philippine subgroups or macrogroups. However, its descendancy from PAN through PMP is unassailable. The sound change of *R > y happens to occur in Bashiic, Central Luzon (Sambalic, Kapampangan, and Remontado/Sinauna) and North Mangyan (Iraya, Alangan, and Tadyawan). As Blust (2013:588) illustrates in his Table 8.30 this sound change also occurs in “Melanau languages (word-final only), Ma’anyan, Lampung, Sundanese, most languages of Manus, Mwotlap, Olrat.” Following upon the method by which Blust (1991:96-97) established Proto-Greater-Central-Philippine on the phonological basis of *R > g, even if this sound change is far more common, occurring in “Atayal, Northern Cordilleran, ... Sabahan languages, Berawan, Chamorro, and Tigak.” Blust’s brilliant GCP hypothesis was backed up by 94 lexical innovations, of which -- after consulting with the ACD (2020) -- only 56 have survived the test of time: 4 happen to be PAN, 1 is PMP, 11 are PWMP, 10 are PPH, and 12 are PSP. [See Appendix.] Blust (1991:106) supplied an important footnote relating to the discussion in the matter before us now.
6. The inclusion of Bashiic with Central Luzon appears to be based largely on the merger of PAN *R with *y. This merger has occurred in scattered groups of language, including Bashiic and Central Luzon in the Philippines, Southeast Barito in Borneo (and Malagasy), Gayo and Lampung in Sumatra, and Sundanese in west Java. Although striking because of its rarity, an innovation of this type by itself has only limited subgrouping value. Reid (p.c.) accepts Zorc’s inclusion of the Bashiic group with Central Luzon and North Mangyan, basing his views on the reportedly distinctive use of cross-referencing third person pronominal markers in Ivatan and Kapampangan.
The following nine innovations (8 lexical and 1 functor) appear to justify a “Y-Group” within the Philippines. Bashiic shares five of these.
YGrp *buklas ~ *bulkas ‘morning; tomorrow’ [ZDS] > Ivatan mavokhas ‘morning’, Botolan nabu:kah ‘tomorrow’, Bolinao, Sambal buklas ‘morning’, Kapampangan bu:kas ‘tomorrow’ > Tagalog (loan) bu:kas.
YGrp *butʔul ‘bone; seed’ [ZDS] > Itbayaten vutux ‘seed; kernel; pimple’, Ivatan vutuh ‘seed’, Bolinao butʔul ‘bone’, Botolan butʔu ‘bone; seed’, Sambal butul ‘bone; seed’, Iraya butʔul ‘bone’; (Alangan bitul ‘bone’), Kapampangan bu:tul ‘bone; seed’ | Probably borrowed into Tagalog buto ‘bone; seed’ from Kapampangan; whereas Hanunoo butʔul ‘bone’, Buhid butul ‘bone’ probably are borrowed from North Mangyan.
YGrp *dagúl ~ *dakúl ‘big’ [ZDS] > Ivatan rakoh, Itbayaten rakux ‘big’, Kapampangan dágul ‘to grow’, maragúl ‘big’, Iraya lakul. Differs from PPH *dakə́l in the vowel of the final syllable, and possible intervocalic shimmer. Cf. Tausug malagguʔ.
YGrp *dimlaʔ ‘cold’ [ZDS] > Alangan, Iraya madimlaʔ, Kapampangan marimlaʔ. Not shared with any Bashiic language which has: *dukməl ‘cold (of water)’ and *lanəbnəb or *ahlən ‘cold (of weather)’.
YGrp *kuʔkuʔ 'cough' [ZDS] > Bolinaw, Sambal kuʔkuʔ, Botolan ku:kuʔ ‘cough’ | Replaces PMP *batuk, *[ʔq]ək[ʔq]ək, *ukuk < *[ʔ]uk[ʔ]uk (metathesis?), PWMP *ikəj.
YGrp *lakay ‘man; male’ [ZDS] > Itbayaten maxakay, Ivatan mahakay ‘man, male’, Botolan lakáy ‘husband’. | PWMP *laŋkay ‘man, male’ > Pendau laŋkay ‘man, male; male animal’, Dampelas laŋkay ‘man, male’, Bare’e laŋkay ‘man, male of animals, masculine’
YGrp *liʔmu ‘afraid; surprised’ [ZDS] > Bolinao maliʔmu, Sambal liʔmu, Botolan (ma)li:mu ‘afraid’, Botolan nalimwan ‘surprised’; Iraya ʔalimwan ‘afraid’, Alangan ʔalimuwan ‘afraid’; Tadyawan malimɨ́ʔ ‘afraid’. Bashiic has *haʔmu 'fear' (above): Itbayaten haʔmu, Ivatan maʔmu, which may involve a shared root.
YGrp *taklaʔ ‘excrement, feces’ [ZDS] > Kapampangan, Iraya takláʔ, Botolan, Sambal takáʔ, Remontado táklaʔ. Bashiic does not share this. Vasayic generally has cognates of PNP *takíʔ, while Yamic reflects cognates of PMP *ubət. ‘buttocks, posterior’ with semantic shift [ACD].
YGrp *tarinəŋ ‘straight’ > Ivatan matalinəŋ, Itbayaten matarinəŋ, Botolan matoynuŋ. [Thanks to Ron Himes for calling this to my attention.]
YGrp *tamu ‘our; ours; we (inclusive), all of us’ [pro-1-pl] > Kapampangan, Botolan, Iraya támu, Sambal, Bolinao tamú. Bashiic languages do not share in this, reflecting rather *yatən [nominative 1], *ta [nominative 2 & genitive], *diatən [oblique1 ~ locative], *ñatən ~ *niatən [oblique 2].
7.2. PROTHESIS
While not an innovation throughout this Y-Group, Bashiic and Kapampangan share a considerable number of etymologies that reveal a prothetic *a-. Blust (**citation**) considered that this similarity was fortuitous in that Kapampangan is the result of metathesis of schwa, i.e., Kpm atbu ‘sugarcane’ < *təbuh. But as can be seen in the following list of instances, this could have occurred as the result of the loss of schwa and the need to restore disyllabicity. Yamic, in particular, has an entire series of numbers from ‘one’ through ‘ten’ with a prothetic *a-. Several of these are shared with Kapampangan. It seems reasonable to propose that a system of prothesis grew within the Y-Group, affecting Yamic the most, Vasayic less so, and Kapampangan the least. Nevertheless, it appears to have been an innovation otherwise not common among Philippine languages. Himes (2012:531) noted “The process in Bashiic is nearly identical, except that the lowering of the schwa is not a regular feature in this microgroup. The lowering of schwa, then, must be seen as a part of the original rule: (139) C1əC2 > aC1Cw / #_V.” While this is also plausible, the appearance of *a- in both Bashiic and Kapampangan may be a shared historical feature.
Kpm	ablas ‘what one gives in return for s.t. else; revenge’ < PPH *bələs ~ PAN *baləs
Kpm	absiʔ ‘full, sated’
Bashiic	*absuy ‘full, sated’ < PAN *bəsuR
Yamic	*abuk ‘hair’ < PAN *bukəS via mono *buk
Kpm	abyák ‘suckling pig’ < PAN *bəRək
Kpm	abyás ‘husked rice’ < PAN *bəRas
Bashiic	*adəy ‘thunder’ < ROOT *-dəR
Bashiic	*adkət ‘stick to, adhere’ < PAN *dəkəC [ACD]
Bashiic	*adnət ‘touch’ < PNP *dənət ‘to touch, come in contact with’ [ACD]
Bashiic	*adŋəy ‘hear’ < PAN *dəŋəR  | + Himes
Bashiic	*adpa ‘fathom’ < PAN *dəpah
Bashiic	*adpət ‘hold, grasp’ < PMP *dapət ‘to come in contact’
Yamic, Kpm	*adwaʔ ‘two’ < PAN *duSa
Vasayic	*aɣbək ‘dust’ < PPH *ləbək ‘to pound (rice, etc.) in a mortar’ [ACD]
Bashiic	*aɣbəŋ ‘pond, puddle’ < PNP *ləbəŋ [Zorc < ACD]  | + Himes
Bashiic	*aɣməs ‘drown’ < PMP *ləməs 'stifle, suffocate; drown' [ACD]
Bashiic	*ahna ‘melt, dissolve’ < *həna (?)
Bashiic	*ahnaw ‘rinse’ < PAN *Səñaw 'to wash' [ACD]
Bashiic	*ahnəd ‘sink’ [v] < PWMP *ləñəj 'sink, disappear under water' [ACD]
Bashiic	*ahpaw ‘light (weight)’ < PAN *Hapaw ‘surface; be on top’ [ZDS]
Bashiic	*ahwaw ‘thirst’ < PAN *quSaw, PMP *quhaw [ACD]
Bashiic	*ahrəŋ ‘snore’ < PAN *SaRuŋ 'snore, groan, etc.' [ACD]
Bashiic	*aknasay ‘fish: mullet’ < PAN *kaNasay [ACD]
Yamic	*alima ‘five’ (with prothesis) < *a-lima [Zorc]
Kpm	altíʔ ‘thunder’ < PWMP *lətiq
Bashiic	*aʔnəm ‘six’ (with prothesis) < *a-ʔ(ə)nəm
Bashiic	*anŋət ‘sweat, perspiration’ | Cf: PWMP *riŋaʔət [Zorc], *liŋ(ə)qət [ACD]
Bashiic	*aʔpat ‘four’ (with prothesis) < *a-ʔ(ə)pat [Zorc]
Kpm	a:pat ‘four’
Yamic	*apitu ‘seven’ (with prothesis) < *a-pitu [Zorc]
Bashiic	*apnu ‘full’ < PAN *pəNuq [ACD]
Vasayic, Kpm	*apsáʔ ‘break (glass)’ < PAN *pəcəq 'break into several large pieces' [ACD] | Kpm gloss ‘hatch (of an egg)’
Bashiic	*apwaw ‘lungs’ < *puwaw (?) [Zorc]
Bashiic	*arba ‘topple’ < PPH *Rəbaq ‘demolish’ [ACD]
Bashiic	*aʔsa ‘one’ (with prothesis) < *a-ʔ(ə)sa [Zorc]
Bashiic	*asbuh ‘foam, bubble’ < PAN *səbuS > PMP *səbuh 'hiss, as water on fire’ [ACD]
Bashiic	*aʔsi ‘flesh, meat; fruit’ < PAN *Səsi, isi, PMP *həsi 'flesh, contents'
Bashiic	*asdəp ‘enter’ < PMP *səjəp ‘enter, penetrate’ [ACD]
Bashiic	*asdu ‘hiccup’ < PAN *sədu[ʔ] [ACD] | Cf: Aklanon sidʔuʔ [Zorc]
Yamic	*asiyam ‘nine’ (with prothesis) < PPH *siyam [Zorc]
Vasayic	*asləp ‘tasty, delicious’ < PWMP *sədəp ‘pleasant, agreeable; tasty, delicious’ [ACD]
Kpm	aspák ‘crack’ < PMP *sapak [ACD] ~ *səpak [Zorc]
Bashiic	*aspi ‘break (glass)’ < PAN *səpiq 'break off fruit or branches' [ACD]
Kpm	atáb ‘tide’ < PPH *atáb [ACD] ~ *a-taʔəb [Zorc]
Yamic	*atbaŋ ‘begin’ < *təbaŋ (?) | Cf: PMP * təbaŋ ‘to fell trees’ [ACD]
Bashiic	*atbay ‘answer’ < *təbaR  | + Himes
Kpm	atbú ‘sugarcane’ < PAN *Cəbuh ~ *təbuS
Bashiic	*atbud ‘spring (of water)’ < PAN *Cəbuj ‘natural spring, fresh water spring’ [ACD]
Kpm	atkán ‘propel a boat with a punting pole’ < PMP *təkən
Bashiic	*atlən ‘swallow’ < PMP *tələn [ACD]
Bashiic, Kpm	*atlú ‘three’ (with prothesis) < PAN *təlu [ACD] | + Himes
Yamic	*attud ‘knee’ < PAN *tuduS [Zorc < ACD]
Kpm	atyan ‘stomach’ < PAN *tiaN [ACD]
Yamic	*awalu ‘eight’ (with prothesis) < PAN *walu [Zorc < ACD]
Vasayic	*awdí[ʔ] ‘late’ [temp] < PMP *udəhi ‘last; come after or behind; late, later’ [ACD]

7.3. AN  ILOKANO AND BASHIIC AXIS.
In the axis paper (Zorc & Almarines 2022), Zorc introduced several instances where Ilokano and the Bashiic languages shared some lexical innovations. He called this phenomenon the “Bashiic-Ilokano axis”. Blust (2019) had origiinally proposed some 20 of these etyma as “PPH” whereas cognates are only found in these two northernmost Philippine subgroups. I found this analogous to the situation where the innovation of *páwəs ‘sweat, perspiration’ is shared by Kapampangan páwas and Tagalog páwis as part of the “Southern Luzon axis”. While the separation of Tagalog and Kapampangan historically would justify a PPH *páwəs, this lexical item was more likely introduced at a time when the two languages where in intimate contact, long after the breakup of PPH. Since they were originally proposed, four items have been removed from this “BashIlk axis” and raised to a higher level with the discovery of additional cognates:
PPH *Rábat ‘driftwood, flotsam’ thanks to a cognate in Palawano.
PWMP *Riak ‘shout’ suggests that Bashiic riak has an irregular /r/.
PWMP *tatus ‘coconut crab’ thanks to a Mapun cognate.
PMP *qurit ‘stroke, stripe, line’ suggests that Bashiic may have a regular /r/.
The following 14 correspondence sets would apparently be the product of shared areal developments between Ilokano and some or all of the Bashiic languages.
BashIlk#01 *ahnám ‘plant: Glochidion sp.’ > Itbayaten ahnam, Yami, (Ibatan) anam, Ilk ʔanám. | Note: ACD PPH *anam ‘a plant: Glochidion spp’ with Yami and Ilokano. Itbayaten ahnam ‘sp. of tree Glochidion…’ [Yamada 2002:50] corrects this with an *h cluster.
BashIlk#02 *bagyat [Zorc], *bagiat [Blust] ‘anklet, ribbon worn around the leg’ > Yami vagiat, Ilk bagiat [bagyát].
BashIlk#03 *dúlit ‘smudge, dirty spot’ > Yami lolit, Itb rolit, Ivt rojit, Ilk dúlit.
BashIlk#04 *dúyuR ‘coconut shell receptacle for food or water’ > Yami, Itb, Ibt royoy, Ivt duyuy, Ilk dúyog.
BashIlk#05 *ɣaŋɣaŋ ‘eat together, as a group’ > Itb xaŋxaŋ, Ibt haŋhaŋ, Ilk laŋlaŋ | Itb kaxaŋxaŋ 'eating partner', Ilk kalaŋláŋ 'to eat together'
BashIlk#06 *ɣúbay ‘earring’ > Yami ovay 'gold chest ornaments', Itb xovay 'ear-ring in general; beads, necklace', Ivt hovay, Ilk lúbay 'ear-ring'.
BashIlk#07 *ɣúya ‘blame, accuse’ > Itb ipaxooxoya 'to accuse (s.o.) in court', Ilk lúya 'to scold, berate, chide, rebuke'.
BashIlk#08 *hílək ‘rudderfish: Kyphosus cinerascens’ > Yami ilək, Itb hilək, Ilk ʔílək.
BashIlk#09 *kə̆láʔat [Zorc] ~ *kəlaqat [Blust] ‘sudden, abrupt, unexpected’ > Itb akxat, Ilk kəlláʔat.
BashIlk#10 *liktáw ‘jump over or across’ > Yami liktaw, Ilk liktáw. | Note doublet: PPH *laktáw [ACD *lak(ə)táw ‘jump over or across’]
BashIlk#11 *pusíŋ ‘wean a baby from breastfeeding’ > Itb posiñ 'idea of weaning', Ibt pusin 'to wean a child', Ilk i-pusíŋ 'to separate, detach; disconnect', kap-pusíŋ 'baby who just stopped breast-feeding'.
BashIlk#12 *RaRáŋ ‘large marine mollusk: Turbo marmoratus’ > Itb yayaŋ 'seashell with a shutter or lid: Turbo marmoratus, Ivt yayaŋ 'turbo shell', Ibt yayaŋ 'k.o. large sea snail', Ilk raráŋ 'k.o. large, elongated mollusk with a pointed shell; mother-of-pearl'.
BashIlk#13 *sáway ‘in excess, overabundant’ > Itb, Ivt saway 'idea of overflow or overload', Ilk sáway 'excess; surplus in distribution'.
BashIlk#14 *túbuy ‘send for; allow to go’ > Yami tovoy 'ask to leave', Itb tovoyən 'send on an errand', Ibt toboy send s.o. on an errand', Ilk túboy 'agree, allow, consent to; approve'.
BashIlk#14 *túkal ‘prop, supporting beam in house’ > Itb tokax 'part of roof frame supporting rafters, tie beam', Ilk túkal 'prop used to keep a window from being able to slide', tukálan 'to prop'

7.4. IBANAG AND CAGAYEN VALLEY INFLUENCE.
Quite some time ago (1974), when Zorc was working for Prof. Dyen at Yale, perhaps it was Harold Conklin (if not, then Prof. Dyen) who suggested to him that Ibanag was the major trade language of northern Luzon in prehispanic times. No evidence for this in print has thus far been noted. However, Zorc’s more recent (unpublished) thorough analysis of all the Ilokano etymologies for words in McFarland (1977) bears this out. While the “native” reflex of PAN *R in Ilokano is /r/, there are almost as many reflexes with /g/. Some scholars assume that this is the result of Tagalog influence, being unaware of the role of Ibanag on Ilokano. For example, with regard to the Ilokano doublet [bibir, bibig], the final -r is considered the “native” Ilokano reflex of *R > r, but the final -g is most likely a loan from Ibanag specifically or the CagayanValley languages broadly. Granting that Ibanag used to be the trade language of northern Luzon prior to the ascendancy of Ilokano, there are quite a few CagVal words in Ilokano such as:
Ilk ʔalsúŋ < CagVal *ʔălsuŋ ‘mortar’ [ZDS] < PAN *ləsuŋ
Ilk bagí ‘body’ < CagVal *bə̆gi [ZDS]
Ilk bannúg ‘numb’ < CagVal *bə̆nə́j [ZDS] < PPH *banhəj
Ilk bartɛ́k ‘drunk’ < CagVal *bartik [ZDS]
Ilk bisín ‘hungry’ < CagVal *bisín (with regular change of *t > *s/i) < PWMP *bitin [ACD]
Ilk dadál (nadadál) ‘rotten’ < CagVal *dadál [ZDS] | Yogad nadarə́l, Malaweg nadarál, nadadál
Ilk dákɛs ‘bad, evil’ < CagVal *dákəs [ZDS]
Ilk dárat ‘sand’ < CagVal *dáRat [ZDS] -- While clearly from PMP *daRat 'littoral sea, sea near the shore' [ACD], the semantic innovation of {sand} is clearly associated with the CagVal.
Ilk gálot ‘tie’ [v] < CagVal *gálut [ZDS]
Ilk gurígur ‘fever’ < CagVal *kurkuR [ZDS] (with “shimmer” *k/*g)
Ilk ʔiggɛ́m ‘hold, grasp’ [v] > CagVal *ʔĭgə́m [ZDS]
Ilk kálug ‘young coconut’ < CagVal *káluj [ZDS]
Ilk ŋaŋísit ‘black’ < CagVal *ŋísit [ZDS] with characteristic *t > s/ (*ŋítit)
Ilk panúnut ‘think’ < CagVal *pa|núnut [ZDS]
Ilk rámay ‘finger ~ toe = digit < CagVal *kuramay > Ibanag, Malaweg, Itawis kurámay, Agta guhamʌy; Itneg, Manabo, Luba lá:may > Bashiic *kakamay [ZDS]
Ilk tu:mɛŋ ‘knee’ < CagVal *túməŋ 'heel' [ZDS]
Ilk ʔubíŋ ‘child’ < CagVal *ʔə̆bíŋ [ZDS] (with the same “unexplained” reflex of /u/ < *ə as in /uppát/ < *Səpat – noting that both of the following consonants are bilabials).
It is unclear if any of these phenomena involved direct influence from Ibanag or Cagayan Valley upon Bashiic, or it was mainly via Ilokano. Regardless, some impact by this group needs to be taken into consideration.
7.5. FORMOSAN INFLUENCE
There is some indication that ties with Formosa may have continued after the exodus of Malayo-Polynesian languages. Firstly, of course, there are the forms mutually inherited from PAN, but these words were brought with them. What concerns us here are forms that may have been borrowed or influenced after the Malayo-Polynesian languages separated from those of Taiwan. Here are six that thus far suggest some possible connection.
PBsh *binəbəl 'banana' > Imorod, Iraralay vinəvəh, Itbayaten vinivəx, Ivasay vañivəh, Isamorong viñovəh, Ibatan binibəh [+ZDS] | Formosan loan or influence: PAN-F *bəNbəN ‘banana: Musa sapientum L.’ [Shibata p.c. 2022.10.24, ACD]
PBsh *bulay 'snake'| PAN-F *buNay (Shibata p.c. 2022.10.24, ACD) | Imorod, Itbayaten volay, Iraralay voləy, Ivasay, Isamorong voday, Babuyan boday | Replaces PAN *SulaR, PMP *nipay, PPH *idau ‘snake’
PBsh *saput ‘pick up with s.t. to avoid getting dirty or burned’ > Yami sapot|ən ‘pick up with a clamp (as pots)’, sa|sapot ‘clamp made from betel nut sheaths’, Itbayaten sapot|ən ‘to pick up with s.t. so as not to be soiled or dirtied’ |[ACD] | PAN *saput [ACD] | Note: Puyuma sapuT ‘to pick up (as chicken feces)’.
PBsh *talam ‘taste’ [v] | PAN *tañam 'try, taste' | ROOT *-ñam | Imorod, Iraralay, Itbayaten, Ivasay, Isamorong, Ibatan talam [ACD]
PBsh *tañod ‘mulberry’ > Imorod, Itbayaten tañod (blanks in TYM#833 for all other lects) | Formosan loan or influence: PAN *taNiud ‘mulberry tree and fruit: Morus formosensis (Hotta)’ [ACD]
PBsh *tagalah ‘open one’s mouth’ > Imorod mi-tagala (unintentionally), Iraralay mi-ta-tagala (intentionally), Itbayaten mi-tagalah (intentionally), managalah (unintentionally), Ivasay, Isamorong managada (unintentionally), Babuyan may-tagada (intentionally) | Arikun gala ‘language’, pagala, pagaratagara ‘speak/say’, Papora tagara, tamgaragara ‘speak/say’ (<am> here appears to be an infix); Taokas palala, pazaga, padaga ‘speak/say’ [Shibata p.c. 2023.01.09 from TYM #027 and #028]
PBsh *uruŋ ‘horn’. | See discussion above about PAN *uRəŋ ~ uruŋ ‘horn of an animal’ [TYM#686]
In four of these, the reflex reflected is [l] instead of [n] for PAN *N. Either this provides independent evidence for a PAN *L (proposed by Dyen **citation needed**), or (more likely) these are loans from a Formosan language which has a lateral reflex of *N.
7.6. OTHER NORTHERN PHILIPPINE INFLUENCE
There is evidence that Bashiic shared several innovations with northern Philippine languages. The most persuasive of these are the replacement of ‘sugarcane’ PAN *təbuS by PNP *ʔunás. There is also the semantic assignment of *bulúŋ ‘leaf’ in the north (replacing PMP *dahun), which underwent a semantic shift to ‘medicine’ in the southern Philippines). The appearance of Bashiic *didá [pro-3-pl-oblique] ‘to them’ has cognates with Central Cordilleran languages: Kiangan dída, Isinai díra, Kalinga didá, Balangao didʌ́. 
The following etyma probably support a NPh subgroup.
PNP *ʔaklu ‘ladle’ > Ilokano, Itneg, Kayapa, Pangasinan, Isneg ʔaklú; Atta, Ivatan, Itbayaten p|a:kul
PNP *qaliwadáŋ ‘clavicle’ > Itbayaten ʔaridawáŋ, Ilokano, Isneg ʔaliwadáŋ ‘clavicle’; Kankanaey ʔaliwadáŋ ‘rib’.
PNP *ʔaptus ‘rub, massage’ > Itbayaten, Ivatan ʔaptus-an ‘massage’, Ilokano ʔapsut (metathesis) ‘press, squeeze’, Bontok ʔapsot  (metathesis) ‘slide one’s closed hand over (x)’, Botolan Sambal ʔaptuh ‘rub’
PNP *bakə́s ‘old woman’ > Itbayaten, Ivatan mavakə́s ‘female, woman’ {generic}, Botolan bakə́t ‘wife’; Gaddang baket, Itneg bakə́s, Manabo bakós, Kankanaey-N nabakə́s ‘old woman’
PNP *ǔmáh ‘kiss’ [v] > Itbayaten omah ‘kiss, osculation’, maŋomah ‘to kiss’ omahan ‘kiss s.o.’, Gaddang mumma, Yogad umma, Ibanag ummoʔ  Malaweg maŋəmma, Ayta Abellan oma ~ inomaan, Kapampangan uma ~ uman ‘to kiss’. | Replaces PAN *Sajək ‘smell’, PMP *hajək ‘smell, sniff, kiss’
8. THE OVERALL PICTURE.
Philippine macrogroups tend to share approximately 50% (or slightly more) of their lexicon with members of other macrogroups. Ilokano, for example is an isolate which consistently shares scores from 48% to 55% with most other Philippine languages. The Bashiic languages have a corresponding range against just about any Philippine language. In recent surveys, I have found a 50 percentile to be the consistent score between Tagalog and Cebuano, which are both Central Philippine languages in the Greater Central Philippine macrogroup. This suggests a time depth of approximately two millenia.
So what are we to make of the proposal that the Bashiic languages are the product of a Y-Group migration northwards into these islands? It is demonstrable that there had been speakers of an original Austronesian language in this overall area based on carbon dating, and it may well provide the explanation for many of the innovations in this macrogroup. Many of these may be a substratum of the original language spoken on these islands which were all later subsumed by the incoming Y-Group. It is probable that the original inhabitants of these islands and the newcomers shared a large inventory of PAN vocabulary, and as these original speakers became bilingual in the new group’s language, a certain amount of the original lexicon remained intact.
Archaeological evidence supports an existing population of much greater time depth than the current order of diversity of these lects would warrant. It seems likely then that Bashiic is an admixture of an original population (substratum) and a Y-Group overlay (superstratum).

9. REFERENCES
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Blust, Robert A. 2013. The Austronesian Languages, 2nd revised edition. Canberra: Asia-Pacific Linguistics Open Access Monographs. Available online: https://openresearch-repository.anu.edu.au/bitstream/1885/10191/6/Blust-2013-AustronesianLanguages.pdf
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APPENDIX. STATUS OF BLUST (1991) 94 PGCP INNOVATIONS
##	PGCP	ENGLISH	EVID	ACD	ZDS	LEVEL	CONSIDERATIONS
22	*ʔəmʔəm	suck on s.t.	04	ACD		1-PAN	*qemqem 'hold in mouth'
66	*sapaʔ	creek, brook, stream	12	ACD		1-PAN	*sapaq 'stream, river'
81	*taktak	shake out one by one	06	ACD		1-PAN	*taktak 'fall (of many things)
52	*pəlus	slip off	03	ACD		1-PHF	*pelus | ROOT *lus
16	*dələm	night	10	ACD		2-PMP	*delem 'moonless night'
03	*apid	stacked in layers	05	ACD	NIL	3-PWMP	*apid  'lie in layers on top…'
09	*bataʔ	child	08	ACD		3-PWMP	*bataq 'young'
13	*butiti	pufferfish; incipiant frog	06	ACD		3-PWMP	*butiti Tetrodon lunaris
18	*dumul	touch with the face	03	ACD		3-PWMP	*dumul  'touch with the lips'
27	*habəŋ	block, obstruct; dam	02	ACD	ZDS	3-PWMP	*hambeng
35	*irək	armpit + *ireken	06	ACD	ZDS	3-PWMP	*ilek | *ir - Kin, Mas, WBM
38	*kilid	side, edge	06	ACD		3-PWMP	*kiliD 'edge'
47	*paŋkaʔ	hammer, hit [v]	02	ACD		3-PWMP	*pangkaq 'strike against'
73	*səŋa	blow the nose	06	ACD	ZDS	3-PWMP	*sengah 'nasal mucus'
80	*tadu	beeswax |+ honeycomb	08	ACD		3-PWMP	*tadu
85	*təbtəb	cut down	03	ACD		3-PWMP	*tebteb 'cut off~down, prune'
14	*daliʔ	haste, speed	08	ACD		4-PPH	*daliq 'quick' | ZDS PSP
31	*hinanakan	family | PAN *aNak	02	ACD	NIL	4-PPH	*hin-anak-an 'brood,flock'
42	*lambuŋ	blouse	08	ACD	ZDS	4-PPH	*lambung  'long garment'
67	*sapuʔ	meat | allotment of…	04	ACD		4-PPH	*sapuq 'allotment of meat'
72	*səki	lower leg of quadruped	05	ACD	ZDS	4-PPH	*seki | Tir sekey
84	*təbəl	constipation	06	ACD		4-PPH	*tebel < PMP 'thick'
92	*tuntun	lower with a rope	08	ACD		4-PPH	*tuntun 'let down'
93	*upas	sheath of banana stalk	09	ACD		4-PPH	*upas 'fibre of…'
94	*uyun	agree(able) with	07	ACD		4-PPH	*uyun 'to agree'
57	*pugad	nest  	07	ACD		4-PPH|err	*pugad | ZDS | Kal puyad (!)
04	*bakətin	piglet	07	ACD	ZDS	5-PSP	*baketin => *baktin
12	*bitək	worm: intestinal	05	ACD		5-PSP	*bitek | WBM u < *e LOAN
17	*duguʔ	blood	10	ACD	ZDS	5-PSP	*duRuq <= Klata duluʔ 
20	*əbu	cough	08	NIL	ZDS	5-PSP	*ebu | Tboli kow
28	*həlat	wait  	08	NIL	ZDS	5-PSP	*helat | Kal elat < PSP~loan?
32	*hitaʔ	groin	07	ACD	ZDS	5-PSP	*hitaq 'groin, crotch'
33	*hulas	sweat	07	ACD	ZDS	5-PSP	*hulas | Tag pawis
36	*itis	drip ~ pour out	04	NIL		5-PSP	*itis | Tiruray itis
44	*layug	fly [v]	10	NIL		5-PSP	*layug | Kal, NMg *layug
65	*sagiŋ	banana	16	NIL		5-PSP	*saging |  ZDS | Tir, Bilic
89	*tiʔəl	leg, foot	02	NIL		5-PSP	*tiʔel | Tbl tiʔol
90	*tubig	water	08	NIL		5-PSP	*tubig  | Klata tubig
02	*alut	shave off	04	NIL	NIL	6-PGCP	*alut
01	*anda	where?	02	NIL	NIL	6-PGCP	*anda ~ enda
05	*bakus	tie, bind [ROOT*kus]	04	NIL	NIL	6-PGCP	*bakus | PHF *bakes 
06	*balaŋas	tree,fruit:Nephelium	03	NIL	NIL	6-PGCP	*balangas
07	*baraw	argue with	02	NIL		6-PGCP	*baraw
08	*baruy	pandanus	03	NIL		6-PGCP	*bariw | Agta badiyu
10	*bəŋkəl	tie around	02	NIL		6-PGCP	*bengkel
11	*bitanʔag	tree: Calophyllum	04	NIL		6-PGCP	*bitanʔag | Cf: PMP*bitaquR
15	*darag	yellow	06	NIL		6-PGCP	*darag
19	*duŋaʔ	bow the head, nod	03	NIL		6-PGCP	*dungaʔ
21	*əbul	opaque, cloudy	02	NIL		6-PGCP	*ebul
23	*ənu	what?	05	NIL		6-PGCP	*enuh | Kal unu => *unuh
24	*gəbaŋ	sway	02	NIL		6-PGCP	*gebang
25	*gəbaʔ	swidden	04	NIL	ZDS	6-PGCP	*gebaʔ | PWMP *Rebaq 'collapse
26	*giman	snare	03	NIL	NIL	6-PGCP	*giman
29	*haldək	fear, fright	08	NIL	ZDS	6-PGCP	*haldek ~ *handek
30	*hibət	oath  	03	NIL	NIL	6-PGCP	*hibet
34	*intalun	defecate < *hin-talun	04	NIL	ZDS	6-PGCP	*intalun | NOT *intaluʔ
37	*kalawag	turmeric: Curcuma	05	NIL		6-PGCP	*kalawag | Tiruray kelawag
39	*kupiʔ	fold  	02	NIL		6-PGCP	*kupiʔ | ROOT *piq ~ *piʔ
40	*kutad	barren land	02	NIL		6-PGCP	*kutad | QUESTIONABLE
41	*labis	excess, escessive	03	NIL		6-PGCP	*labis | NOT: Bon, Ilk labes
43	*lantuŋ	fence, corral	04	NIL		6-PGCP	*lantung
45	*lilid	roll [v]	04	NIL		6-PGCP	*lilid
46	*ŋiŋiʔ	cry, fuss [v]	02	NIL		6-PGCP	*ngingiʔ
49	*pantaw	lookout	05	NIL		6-PGCP	*pantaw | ZDS 'dirty kitchen'
48	*panʔəs	acrid stench	05	NIL		6-PGCP	*panʔe s| Mar o<*e, Gor ŋ
50	*patəŋ	stare, look fixedly	03	NIL		6-PGCP	*pateŋ | ROOT *teŋ
51	*pələk	short, small	02	NIL		6-PGCP	
53	*pigiʔ	buttocks	05	NIL		6-PGCP	*pigʔiʔ | Mong = *e | ZDS
54	*piŋi	cluster, bunch	03	NIL		6-PGCP	*pingi | Cf PHF *pingi 'cheek'
55	*pirik	shake off (as water)	05	NIL		6-PGCP	*pirik
56	*pispis	bird: baby bird	06	NIL	ZDS	6-PGCP	*pispis |PWMP *pispis 'shrill'
58	*pugitaʔ	octopus, squid	03	NIL		6-PGCP	*pugitaʔ | PAN *guriCa
59	*pugpug	shed (as fur)	04	NIL		6-PGCP	*pugpug
60	*punuʔ	leader, chief (met)	09	NIL		6-PGCP	*punuʔ | Cf: *puqun 'base'
61	*rəmuʔ	dirty	04	NIL		6-PGCP	*remuʔ
62	*rənək	gentle, peaceful	02	NIL		6-PGCP	*renek
63	*runtay	pound fiber	04	NIL		6-PGCP	*runtay |Cf: *qaRutay 'abaca’
64	*sagay	stinging nettle: Laportea	02	NIL		6-PGCP	*sagay
68	*sarak	meaning; translate [v]	02	NIL		6-PGCP	*sarak 'parting, separation'
69	*səgaʔ	lamp, light	06	NIL		6-PGCP	*segaʔ |  Lauje,Tialo toga
71	*səkəpu	lap; hold in the lap	02	NIL		6-PGCP	*sekepu | Cf: PPH *sapupu
70	*səŋkəb	lie prone	02	NIL		6-PGCP	*sengkeb | ROOT *keb
74	*sikil	stick out	03	NIL		6-PGCP	*sikil
75	*silay	see, look	03	NIL		6-PGCP	*selay | Cf: Proto-Sangiric
76	*sugba	cook	06	NIL	ZDS	6-PGCP	*sugbah
77	*sukud	measure; measurement	04	NIL		6-PGCP	*sukud
78	*sulug	rooster, cock	04	NIL	ZDS	6-PGCP	*sulug | (Blaan sulug*)
79	*suti	clean, pure	03	NIL		6-PGCP	*suti
82	*taŋal	mangrove tree: Ceriops	02	NIL		6-PGCP	*taŋal | Cf: PMP *teŋeR
83	*taʔil	conserve, use sparingly	02	NIL		6-PGCP	*taʔil
86	*tibas	cut ~ hack off	04	NIL		6-PGCP	*tibas
87	*tibtib	cut off small pieces	03	NIL		6-PGCP	*tibtib
88	*tigtig	jerky movement	03	ACD		6-PGCP	*tigtig | PWMP 'chop'
91	*tunaʔ	mud puddle; buf wallow	05	NIL	ZDS	6-PGCP	*tunaʔ | Tiruray loan?